Catalan phonology

The phonology of Catalan, a Romance language, has a certain degree of dialectal variation. Although there are two standard dialects, one based on Eastern Catalan and one based on Valencian, this article deals with features of all or most dialects, as well as regional pronunciation differences. Various studies have focused on different Catalan varieties; for example, Wheeler (1979) and Mascaró (1976) analyze Central Eastern varieties, the former focusing on the educated speech of Barcelona and the latter focusing more on the vernacular of Barcelona, and Recasens (1986) does a careful phonetic study of Central Eastern Catalan.[1][2]


Consonants of Catalan[3]
Labial Dental/
Palatal Velar
Nasal m n3 ɲ6 (ŋ)
Stop voiceless p t1 k2
voiced b d1 ɡ2
Affricate voiceless ts5 7
voiced dz5 7
Fricative voiceless f s4 ʃ7
voiced (v) z4 ʒ7
Approximant central j w
lateral l3 ʎ6
Trill ɲ4
Tap ɾ3


Voiced obstruents undergo final-obstruent devoicing so that fred ('cold', m. s.) is pronounced with [t], while fredes ('cold', f. pl.) is pronounced with [ð].[17]


Voiced stops become lenited to approximants in syllable onsets, after continuants:[9] /b/[β], /d/[ð], /ɡ/[c]. Exceptions include /d/ after lateral consonants and /b/ after /f/, e.g. ull de bou [ˈuʎ də ˈβɔw] ('oeil-de-boeuf'), bolígraf boníssim [buˈɫiɣɾəv buˈnisim] ('excellent ballpoint'). Additionally, /b/ fails to lenite in non-betacist dialects. In the coda position, these sounds are always realized as stops[18] except in many Valencian dialects, where they are lenited[19] or pronounced with an approximant release.

In some Valencian dialects final /p, t, k/ can be lenited before a vowel: tot açò [ˈt̪oð aˈsɔ] ('all this').[20]

In some dialects (e.g. many Valencian accents) initial /ɡ/ can be lenited: gata [ˈɣat̪a].[21]

In many Catalan dialects (except Valencian), /b/ and /ɡ/ may be geminated in certain environments (e.g. poble [ˈpɔbːɫə] 'village', regla [ˈreɡːɫə] 'rule').[22][23]

In Majorcan varieties, /k/ and /ɡ/ become [c] and [ɟ] word-finally and before front vowels,[19] in some of these dialects, this has extended to all environments except before liquids and back vowels; e.g. sang [ˈsaɲc] ('blood').[9]


The phonemic status of affricates is dubious; after other consonants, affricates are in free variation with fricatives, e.g. clenxa [ˈkɫɛɲtʃə] ~ [ˈkɫɛɲʃə] ('hair parting')[24] and may be analyzed as either single phonemes or clusters of a stop and a fricative.

There is dialectal variation in regards to affricate length, with long affricates occurring in both Eastern and Western dialects such as in Majorca and few areas in Southern Valencia.[32] Also, intervocalic affricates are predominantly long, especially those that are voiced or occurring immediately after a stressed syllable (e.g. metge [ˈmed.dʒə] 'medic').[33] In modern Valencian [dʒ] and [ddʒ] have merged into /dʒ/.


/v/ occurs in Balearic,[30] as well as in Alguerese, standard Valencian and some areas in southern Catalonia.[34] Everywhere else, it has merged with /β/.[35] In Majorcan, [v] and [w] are in complementary distribution, with [v] occurring before vowels (e.g. blava [ˈbɫavə] 'blue' f. vs. blau [ˈbɫaw] 'blue' m.). In other varieties that have both sounds, they are in contrast before vowels, with neutralization in favor of [w] before consonants.[36]

In some Valencian dialects, /s/ and /ʃ/ are auditorily similar such that neutralization may occur in the future.[37] That is the case of Northern Valencian where /ʃ/ is depalatalized to [js̠ʲ] or [js̠] as in caixa ('box'). Central Valencian words like mig ('half') and lleig ('ugly') have been transcribed with [ts] rather than the expected [tʃ], and Southern Valencian /tʃ/ "has been reported to undergo depalatalization without merging with [ts]".[38] as in passets ('small steps') versus passeig ('promenade')

In Aragon and Central Valencian (the so called apitxat), voiced fricatives and affricates are missing (i.e. /z/ has merged with /s/, /dʒ/ has merged with /tʃ/, with only voiceless realizations occurring) and /v/ has merged with the [b ~ β] set.[39]


While "dark (velarized) l", [k], may be a positional allophone of /l/ in most dialects (such as in the syllable coda; e.g. l [ˈsɔɫ] 'ground'),[40] /l/ is dark irrespective of position in Eastern dialects like Majorcan[41] and standard Eastern Catalan (e.g. tela [ˈtɛɫə]).

The distribution of the two rhotics /r/ and /ɾ/ closely parallels that of Spanish. Between vowels, the two contrast (e.g. mirra [ˈmirə] 'myrrh' vs. mira [ˈmiɾə] 'look'), but they are otherwise in complementary distribution. [ɾ] appears in the onset, except in word-initial position (ruc), after /l/, /n/, and /s/ (honra, Israel), and in compounds where [r] is used. Different dialects vary in regards to rhotics in the coda with Western Catalan generally featuring [ɾ] and Central Catalan dialects like those of Barcelona or Girona featuring a weakly trilled [r] unless it precedes a vowel-initial word in the same prosodic unit, in which case [ɾ] appears (per [peɾ] in Western Catalan, [per] in Central Catalan).[42] There is a free variation in "r" word-initially, after /l/, /n/, and /s/, and in compounds (if /r/ is preced by consonant), wherein /r/ is pronounced [r] or [ɹ], the latter is similar to English red: [r ~ ɹ]uc, hon[r ~ ɹ]a, Is[r ~ ɹ]ael.

In careful speech, /n/, /m/, and /l/ may be geminated (e.g. innecessari [inːəsəˈsaɾi] 'unnecessary'; emmagatzemar [əmːəɣədzəˈma] 'to store'; il·lusió [iɫːuziˈo] 'illusion'). A geminated /ʎʎ/ may also occur (e.g. ratlla [ˈraʎːə] 'line').[30] Wheeler (1979) analyzes intervocalic [r] as the result of gemination of a single rhotic phoneme: serra /ˈsɛɾɾə/ → [ˈsɛrə] 'saw, mountains' (this is similar to the common analysis of Spanish and Portuguese rhotics).[43]


Vowels of Catalan
 Front  Central  Back 
Close i u
Close-mid e (ə) o
Open-mid ɛ ɔ
Open ɡ

Phonetic notes:

Stressed vowels

Vowels of Standard Eastern Catalan, from Carbonell & Llisterri (1999:62)
Vowels of Valencian, from Saborit Vilar (2009:23)

Most varieties of Catalan contrast seven stressed vowel phonemes.[52] However, some Balearic dialects have an additional stressed vowel phoneme (/ə/); e.g. sec /ˈsək/ ('dry').[19] The stressed schwa of these dialects corresponds to /ɛ/ in Central Catalan and /e/ in Western Catalan varieties (that is, Central and Western Catalan dialects differ in their incidence of /e/ and /ɛ/, with /e/ appearing more frequently in Western Catalan; e.g. Central Catalan sec /ˈsɛk/ vs. Western Catalan sec /ˈsek/ 'dry, I sit').[52]

Contrasting series of the main Catalan dialects:

Central Catalan[19]
Vowel IPA word gloss
i /ˈsik/ sic 'sic'
e /ˈsek/ séc 'fold'
ɛ /ˈsɛk/ sec 'dry'
'I sit'
a /ˈsak/ sac 'bag'
o /ˈsok/ sóc 'I am'
ɔ /ˈsɔk/ soc 'clog'
u /ˈsuk/ suc 'juice'
Western Catalan[19]
Vowel IPA word gloss
i /ˈsik/ sic 'sic'
e /ˈsek/ séc
'dry, I sit'
ɛ /ˈsɛt/ set 'seven'
a /ˈsak/ sac 'bag'
o /ˈsok/ sóc 'I am'
ɔ /ˈsɔk/ soc 'clog'
u /ˈsuk/ suc 'juice'
Balearic Catalan[19]
Vowel IPA word gloss
i /ˈsik/ sic 'sic'
e /ˈsek/ séc 'fold'
ɛ /ˈsɛk/ sec 'I sit'
ə /ˈsək/ sec 'dry'
ɡ /ˈsak/ sac 'bag'
o /ˈsok/ sóc 'I am'
ɔ /ˈsɔk/ soc 'clog'
u /ˈsuk/ suc 'juice'

Unstressed vowels

In Eastern Catalan, vowels in unstressed position reduce to three : /ɡ/, /e/, /ɛ/ → [ə]; /o/, /ɔ/, /u/ → [u]; /i/ remains unchanged. However there are some dialectal differences: Alguerese merges /ɡ/, /e/, and /ɛ/ with [a]; and in most areas of Majorca, [o] can appear in unstressed position (that is, /o/ and /ɔ/ are usually reduced to [o]).[53]

In Western Catalan, vowels in unstressed position reduce to five: /e/, /ɛ/ → [e]; /o/, /ɔ/ → [o]; /a/, /u/, /i/ remain unchanged.[54] However, in some Western dialects reduced vowels tend to merge into different realizations in some cases:

Eastern Catalan[19]
Vowel Example IPA Gloss
[i] si [si] 'if'
[ə] se [sə] 'itself'
sa 'her'
[u] -nos [nus]1 'us'
uns [uns] 'some'
Western Catalan[19]
Vowel Example IPA gloss
[i] si [si] 'if'
[e] se [se] 'itself'
[a] sa [sa] 'her'
[o] -nos [nos] 'us'
[u] uns [uns] 'some'

Diphthongs and triphthongs

There are also a number of phonetic diphthongs and triphthongs, all of which begin and/or end in [j] or [w].[58]

Falling diphthongs
IPA word gloss IPA word gloss
[əj]mainada'children'[əw]caurem'we will fall'
[iw]niu 'nest'
[ɔj]noi 'boy'[ɔw]nou 'new'
[ow]jou 'yoke'
[uj]avui'today' [uw]duu's/he is carrying'
Rising diphthongs
IPA word gloss IPA word gloss
[ja]iaia'grandma' [wa]guant'glove'
[jɛ]veiem'we see' [wɛ] seqüència 'sequence'
[je] seient 'seat' [we]ungüent 'ointment'
[jə]feia 's/he was doing' [wə]qüestió 'question'
[jɔ]iode'iodine' [wɔ]quota 'payment'
IPA word gloss IPA word gloss
[jəw]ieu'you carried'
[jɛw]creieu'you believe'[wɛw]liqüeu'you blend'
[waj]guaita'he watches'
[wəj]guaitar 'to watch'

In standard Eastern Catalan, rising diphthongs (that is, those starting with [j] or [w]) are only possible in the following contexts:[59]


There are certain instances of compensatory diphthongization in Majorcan so that troncs /ˈtɾoncs/ ('logs') (in addition to deleting the palatal stop) develops a compensating palatal glide and surfaces as [ˈtɾojns] (and contrasts with the unpluralized [ˈtɾoɲc]). Diphthongization compensates for the loss of the palatal stop (segment loss compensation). There are other cases where diphthongization compensates for the loss of point of articulation features (property loss compensation) as in [ˈaɲ] ('year') vs. [ˈajns] ('years').[62]

The dialectal distribution of compensatory diphthongization is almost entirely dependent on the dorsal stop (/k~c/) and the extent of consonant assimilation (whether or not it is extended to palatals).[63]

Voiced affricates are devoiced after stressed vowels in dialects like Eastern Catalan where there may be a correlation between devoicing and lengthening (gemination) of voiced affricates: metge /ˈmeddʒə/[ˈmettʃə] ('medic').[16] In Barcelona, voiced stops may be fortified (geminated and devoiced); e.g. poble [ˈpɔpːɫə] 'village').[30]


Nasal Lateral
word IPA gloss word IPA gloss
ínfim [ˈiɱfim] 'lowest'
anterior [ən̪təɾiˈo] 'previous' altes [ˈaɫ̪təs] 'tall' (f. pl.)
engegar [əɲʒəˈɣa] 'to start (up)' àlgid [ˈaʎʒit] 'decisive'
sang [saŋ(k)] 'blood'
sagna [ˈsaŋnə]~[ˈsaɡnə] 'he bleeds'
cotna [ˈkonːə] 'rind' atles [ˈaɫːəs]~[ˈadɫəs] 'atlas'
sotmetent [sumːəˈten] 'submitting' motlle [ˈmɔʎːə] 'spring, mold'

Catalan denti-alveolar stops can fully assimilate to the following consonant, producing gemination; this is particularly evident before nasal and lateral consonants: e.g. cotna ('rind'), motlle/motle ('spring'), and setmana ('week'). Learned words can alternate between featuring and not featuring such assimilation (e.g. atles [ˈadɫəs]~[ˈaɫːəs] 'atlas', administrar [ədminisˈtɾa]~[əmːinisˈtɾa] 'to administer').[64][65]

Central Valencian features simple elision in many of these cases (e.g cotna [ˈkona], setmana [seˈmana]) though learned words don't exhibit either assimilation or elision: atles [ˈadles] and administrar [adminisˈtɾaɾ].[66]



Stress most often occurs on any of the last three syllables of a word (e.g. brúixola [ˈbɾuʃuɫə] 'compass', càstig [ˈkastik] 'punishment', pallús [pəˈʎus] 'fool').

Compound words and adverbs formed with /ˈment/ may have more than one stressed syllable (e.g. bonament [ˈbɔnəˈmen] 'willingly'; parallamps [ˈpaɾəˈʎams] 'lightning conductor') but every lexical word has just one stressed syllable.[67]


Any consonant, as well as [j] and [w] may be an onset. Clusters may consist of a consonant plus a semivowel (C[j], C[w]) or an obstruent plus a liquid. Some speakers may have one of these obstruent-plus-liquid clusters preceding a semivowel, e.g. síndria [ˈsin.dɾjə] ('watermelon'); for other speakers, this is pronounced [ˈsin.dɾi.ə] (i.e. the semivowel must be syllabic in this context).[68]

Word-medial codas are restricted to one consonant + [s] (extra [ˈɛks.tɾə]).[69] In the coda position, voice contrasts among obstruents are neutralized.[70] Although there are exceptions (such as futur [fuˈtur] 'future'), syllable-final rhotics are often lost before a word boundary or before the plural morpheme of most words: color [kuˈɫo] ('color') vs. coloraina [kuɫuˈɾajnə] ('bright color').[30]

In Central Eastern Catalan, obstruents fail to surface word-finally when preceded by a homorganic consonant (e.g. /nt/ → [n]). Complex codas simplify only if the loss of the segment doesn't result in the loss of place specification.[71]

Suffixation examples
Final gloss Internal gloss
no cluster camp[ˈkam]'field'camperol[kəmpəˈɾɔɫ]'peasant'
gust[ˈɡus]'taste'gustar[ɡusˈta]'to taste'
cluster serp[ˈserp]'snake'serpentí[sərpənˈti]'snake-like'
remolc[rəˈmɔɫk]'trailer'remolcar[rəmuɫˈka]'to tow'

When the suffix -erol [əˈɾɔɫ] is added to camp [ˈkam] it makes [kəmpəˈɾɔɫ], indicating that the underlying representation is |ˈkamp| (with subsequent cluster simplification), however when the copula [ˈes] is added it makes [ˈkam ˈes]. The resulting generalization is that this underlying /p/ will only surface in a morphologically complex word.[72] Despite this, word-final codas are not usually simplified in most of Balearic and Valencian (e.g. camp [ˈkamp]).[73]

Word-initial clusters from Graeco-Latin learned words tend to drop the first phoneme: pneumàtic [nəwˈmatik] ('pneumatic'), pseudònim [səwˈðɔnim] ('pseudonym'), pterodàctil [təɾuˈðaktiɫ] ('pterodactylus'), gnom [ˈnom] ('gnome').[74]

Word-final obstruents are devoiced, however they assimilate voicing of the following consonant; e.g. cuc de seda [ˈkuɡ də ˈsɛðə] ('silkworm'). In regular and fast speech, stops often assimilate the place of articulation of the following consonant producing gemination: tot [ˈtod ˈbe] → [ˈtob ˈbe] ('all good').[75]

Word-final fricatives (except /f/) are voiced before a following vowel; e.g. bus enorme [ˈbuz əˈnormə] ('huge bus').[76]

In Majorcan and Minorcan Catalan, /f/ undergoes total assimilation to a following consonant (just as stops do): buf gros [ˈbuɡ ˈɡɾɔs] ('large puff').[77]

Dialectal variation

Dialectal Map of Catalan from Wheeler, Yates & Dols (1999:xviii)
Eastern dialects: Western dialects:

The differences in the vocalic systems outlined above are the main criteria used to differentiate between the major dialects: Wheeler (2005) distinguishes two major dialect groups, western and eastern dialects; the latter of which only allow [i], [ə], and [u] to appear in unstressed syllables and include Northern Catalan, Central Catalan, Balearic, and Alguerese. Western dialects, which allow any vowel in unstressed syllables, include Valencian and North-Western Catalan.

Regarding consonants, betacism and fricative–affricate alternations are the most prominent differences between dialects.

Other dialectal features are:

Historical development

Catalan shares features with neighboring Romance languages (Occitan, Italian, Sardinian, French, Spanish).[92]

In contrast with other Romance languages, Catalan has many monosyllabic words; and those ending in a wide variety consonants and some consonant clusters.[93] Also, Catalan has final obstruent devoicing, thus featuring many couplets like amic ('male friend') vs. amiga ('female friend').[93]

See also


  1. Hualde (1992:367)
  2. For more information on dialectal variety, see Veny (1989).
  3. Carbonell & Llisterri (1999:62)
  4. 1 2 3 4 Recasens & Pallarès (1995:288)
  5. 1 2 3 4 5 Wheeler (2005:10–11)
  6. "Voiceless dental plosive – Central | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiceless dental plosive – Nord Occidental | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiceless dental plosive – Valencià | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced dental plosive – Central | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced dental plosive – Nord Occidental | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced dental plosive – Valencià | Els Sons del Català".
  7. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Rafel (1999:14)
  8. "Voiceless velar plosive – Central | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiceless velar plosive – Nord Occidental | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiceless velar plosive – Valencià | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Velar Plosive – Central | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Velar Plosive – Nord Occidental | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Velar Plosive – Valencià | Els Sons del Català".
  9. 1 2 3 4 Wheeler (2005:10)
  10. "Voiced Alveolar Nasal – Central | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Nasal – Nord Occidental | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Nasal – Valencià | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Lateral – Central | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Lateral – Nord Occidental | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Flap – Central | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Flap – Nord Occidental | Els Sons del Català".
    "VOICED ALVEOLAR FLAP – Valencià | Els Sons del Català".
  11. "Voiceless Alveolar Fricative – Central | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiceless Alveolar Fricative – Nord Occidental | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiceless Alveolar Fricative – Valencià | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Fricative – Central | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Fricative – Nord Occidental | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Fricative – Valencià | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Trill – Central | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Trill – Nord Occidental | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Trill – Valencià | Els Sons del Català".
  12. 1 2 3 "Voiceless Alveolar Affricate – Central | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiceless Alveolar Affricate – Nord-Occidental | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiceless Alveolar Affricate – Valencià | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Affricate – Central | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Affricate – Nord-Occidental | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Affricate – Valencià | Els Sons del Català".
  13. Wheeler (2005:11)
  14. Recasens (1993). Here Recasens labels these Catalan sounds as "laminoalveolars palatalitzades"
  15. Recasens & Pallarès (2001). Here the authors label these Catalan sounds as "laminal postalveolar"
  16. 1 2 Recasens & Espinosa (2007:145)
  17. Lloret (2003:278)
  18. Hualde (1992:368)
  19. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Recasens & Espinosa (2005:1)
  20. Saborit (2009:53)
  21. Saborit (2009:57)
  22. Carbonell & Llisterri (1992:53–55)
  23. Recasens (1996:190–191)
  24. 1 2 Wheeler (2005:11–12)
  25. 1 2 3 Recasens & Espinosa (2007:144)
  26. 1 2 Hualde (1992:370)
  27. Entry for 'tsar' in Diccionari de llengua catalana, Second Edition.
  28. Entry for 'tsuga' in Diccionari de llengua catalana, Second Edition.
  29. Entry for 'txec' in Diccionari de llengua catalana, Second Edition.
  30. 1 2 3 4 5 Carbonell & Llisterri (1992:53)
  31. Wheeler (2005:13–14)
  32. Recasens & Espinosa (2007:148–149)
  33. Wheeler (2005:12)
  34. Veny (2007:51)
  35. Wheeler (2005:13)
  36. Wheeler (2002:81)
  37. Rafel (1981), cited in Recasens & Espinosa (2007:147)
  38. Recasens & Espinosa (2007:147)
  39. Wheeler (2005:23)
  40. 1 2 Recasens & Espinosa (2005:20)
  41. Recasens & Espinosa (2005:3)
  42. Padgett (2003:2)
  43. See Bonet & Mascaró (1997) for more information
  44. Recasens (1996:90–92)
  45. Recasens (1996:81)
  46. Recasens (1996:130–131)
  47. Recasens (1996:59)
  48. 1 2 Recasens (1991:66)
  49. Recasens (1996:69, 80–81)
  50. Harrison (1997:2)
  51. Recasens (1996:70)
  52. 1 2 Wheeler (2005:38)
  53. Wheeler (2005:54)
  54. Carbonell & Llisterri (1992:54–55)
  55. Recasens (1996:75–76)
  56. Recasens (1996:128–129)
  57. Recasens (1996:138)
  58. Carbonell & Llisterri (1992:54)
  59. Institut d'Estudis Catalans Els diftongs, els triftongs i els hiats – Gramàtica de la Llengua Catalana (provisional draft)
  60. e.g. Lleó (1970), Wheeler (1979)
  61. Wheeler (2005:101)
  62. Mascaró (2002:580–581)
  63. Mascaró (2002:581)
  64. Fabra (2008:24)
  65. Lacreu (2002:53)
  66. Wheeler (2005:36)
  67. Carbonell & Llisterri (1999:63)
  68. Wheeler (2005:78)
  69. Wheeler (2005:166)
  70. Wheeler (2005:145)
  71. Herrick (2002:70)
  72. Herrick (2002:72)
  73. Recasens (1996:192)
  74. Recasens (1996:175)
  75. Badia (1988:35)
  76. Recasens, Daniel (1991), "An Electropalatographic and Acoustic Study of Consonant-to-Vowel Coarticulation", Journal of Phonetics, 19: 267–280.
  77. Wheeler (2005:81)
  78. Recasens (1996:99)
  79. Recasens (1991:68)
  80. Recasens (1996:131–132)
  81. Recasens (1996:138–139)
  82. Recasens (1996:311–312)
  83. Recasens (1994:266)
  84. Recasens (1994:321)
  85. Recasens (1996:307)
  86. Wheeler (2005:34–35)
  87. Wheeler (2005:22–23)
  88. Wheeler (2005:15)
  89. Wheeler (2005:22)
  90. Recasens (1996:91–92)
  91. Wheeler (2005:24)
  92. Wheeler (2005:1)
  93. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Enciclopèdia Catalana, p. 630.
  94. Hall, Jacqueline. Convivència in Catalonia: Languages Living Together, Barcelona: Institut d'Estudis Catalans, 2001, p. 19


  • Badia i Margarit, Antoni Maria (1988), Sons i fonemes de la llengua catalana, Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona, ISBN 84-7528-500-7 
  • Bonet, Eulàlia; Mascaró, Joan (1997), "On the Representation of Contrasting Rhotics", in Martínez-Gil, Fernando; Morales-Front, Alfonso, Issues in the Phonology and Morphology of the Major Iberian Languages, Georgetown University Press, pp. 103–126, ISBN 978-0-87840-647-0 
  • Carbonell, Joan F.; Llisterri, Joaquim (1992), "Catalan", Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 22 (1–2): 53–56, doi:10.1017/S0025100300004618 
  • Carbonell, Joan F.; Llisterri, Joaquim (1999), "Catalan", Handbook of the International Phonetic Association: A Guide to the Usage of the International Phonetic Alphabet, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 61–65, ISBN 978-0-521-63751-0 
  • Fabra, Pompeu (2008), Gramàtica catalana (7th ed.), Barcelona: Institut d'Estudis Catalans, ISBN 978-84-7283-290-9 
  • Ferrater; et al. (1973). "Català". Enciclopèdia Catalana Volum 4 (in Catalan) (1977, corrected ed.). Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana, S.A. pp. 628–639. ISBN 84-85-194-04-7. 
  • Grandgent, Charles Hall (1907), "Phonology", An Introduction to Vulgar Latin, D.C. Heath & Co., pp. 60–143, ISBN 978-1-4021-6201-5 
  • Herrick, Dylan (2002), "Catalan Phonology: Cluster Simplification and Nasal Place Assimilation", in Wiltshire, Caroline; Camps, Joaquim, Romance Phonology and Variation, Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, pp. 69–84, ISBN 978-1-58811-079-4 
  • Harrison, Phil (1997), The Relative Complexity of Catalan Vowels and Their Perceptual Correlates (PDF), UCL Working Papers in Linguistics 9 
  • Hualde, José (1992), Catalan, Routledge, ISBN 978-0-415-05498-0 
  • Lacreu, Josep (2002), Manual d'ús de l'estàndard oral (6th ed.), Valencia: Universitat de València, ISBN 978-84-370-5390-5 
  • Lloret, Maria-Rosa (April 2003), "The Phonological Role of Paradigms: The Case of Insular Catalan", written at Amsterdam & Philadelphia, in Auger, Julie; Clements, J. Clancy; Vance, Barbara, Contemporary Approaches to Romance Linguistics: Selected Papers from the 33rd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages, Language, 83 (2), Bloomington, Indiana: John Benjamins, pp. 275–297, doi:10.1353/lan.2007.0098, ISBN 1588115984 
  • Mascaró, Joan (1976), Catalan Phonology and the Phonological Cycle (Doctoral thesis), Massachusetts Institute of Technology 
  • Mascaró, Juan (2001), "Compensatory Diphthongization in Majorcan Catalan", in Kreidler, Charles W., Phonology: Critical Concepts in Linguistics, Taylor and Francis, pp. 580–593, ISBN 978-0-415-20347-0 
  • Padgett, Jaye (2003), Systemic Contrast and Catalan Rhotics, University of California, Santa Cruz 
  • Rafel, Joaquim (1981), La lengua catalana fronteriza en el Bajo Aragón meridional. Estudio fonológico, Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona 
  • Rafel, Joaquim (1999), Aplicació al català dels principis de transcripció de l'Associació Fonètica Internacional (PDF) (3rd ed.), Barcelona: Institut d'Estudis Catalans, ISBN 84-7283-446-8 
  • Recasens, Daniel (1993), "Fonètica i Fonologia", Enciclopèdia Catalana 
  • Recasens, Daniel; Fontdevila, Jordi; Pallarès, Maria Dolores (1995), "Velarization Degree and Coarticulatory Resistance for /l/ in Catalan and German", Journal of Phonetics, 23 (1): 37–52, doi:10.1016/S0095-4470(95)80031-X 
  • Recasens, Daniel (1996), Fonètica descriptiva del català: assaig de caracterització de la pronúncia del vocalisme i el consonantisme català al segle XX (2nd ed.), Barcelona: Institut d'Estudis Catalans, ISBN 978-84-7283-312-8 
  • Recasens, Daniel; Pallarès, Maria Dolors (2001), De la fonètica a la fonologia: les consonants i assimilacions consonàntiques del català, Barcelona: Editorial Ariel, ISBN 978-84-344-2884-3 
  • Recasens, Daniel; Espinosa, Aina (2005), "Articulatory, positional and coarticulatory characteristics for clear /l/ and dark /l/: evidence from two Catalan dialects", Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 35 (1): 1–25, doi:10.1017/S0025100305001878 
  • Recasens, Daniel; Espinosa, Aina (2007), "An Electropalatographic and Acoustic Study of Affricates and Fricatives in Two Catalan Dialects", Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 37 (2): 143–172, doi:10.1017/S0025100306002829 
  • Saborit Vilar, Josep (2009), Millorem la pronúncia, Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua 
  • Veny, Joan (1989), Els parlars catalans. Síntesi de dialectologia (8th ed.), Mallorca: Editorial Moll, ISBN 978-84-273-1038-4 
  • Veny, Joan (1978), Estudis de geolingüística catalana, Barcelona: Grup 62, ISBN 84-297-1430-8 
  • Veny, Joan (2006), Contacte i constrast de llengües i dialectes, Valencia: Biblioteca Lingüística Valenciana, ISBN 84-370-6300-0 
  • Veny, Joan (2007), Petit Atles lingüístic del domini català, 1 & 2, Barcelona: Institut d'Estudis Catalans, ISBN 978-84-7283-942-7 
  • Wheeler, Max W. (1979), Phonology Of Catalan, Oxford: Blackwell, ISBN 978-0-631-11621-9 
  • Wheeler, Max W. (2005), The Phonology Of Catalan, Oxford: Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-925814-7 
  • Wheeler, Max; Yates, Alan; Dols, Nicolau (1999), Catalan: A Comprehensive Grammar (1st ed.), London: Routledge, ISBN 978-0-415-10342-8 

Further reading

  • Recasens, Daniel; Mira, Meritxell (2015), "Place and manner assimilation in Catalan consonant clusters", Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 45 (2): 115–147, doi:10.1017/S0025100315000080 

External links

This article is issued from Wikipedia - version of the 12/1/2016. The text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution/Share Alike but additional terms may apply for the media files.