Confederate States Army
|Army of the Confederate States|
February 28, 1861 – May 26, 1865|
(4 years, 2 months and 4 weeks)
|Part of||C.S. War Department|
|General-in-Chief||Robert E. Lee|
The Confederate States Army (CSA) was the military ground force of the Confederate States (C.S.), also known as the "Confederacy", while the Confederacy existed during the American Civil War. On February 28, 1861, the Provisional Confederate Congress established a provisional volunteer army and gave control over military operations and authority for mustering state forces and volunteers to the Confederate president, Jefferson Davis, a graduate of the U.S. Military Academy and colonel of a volunteer regiment during the Mexican War. In March 1861, the Provisional Confederate Congress established a more permanent Confederate States Army.
An accurate count of the total number of individuals who served in the Confederate army is not possible due to incomplete and destroyed Confederate records; all but extremely improbable estimates of the number of Confederate soldiers range between 600,000 and 1,500,000 men. The better estimates of the number of individual Confederate soldiers are between 750,000 and 1,000,000 men. This does not include an unknown number of slaves who were pressed into performing various tasks for the army, such as construction of fortifications and defenses or driving wagons. Since these figures include estimates of the total number of individual soldiers who served at any time during the war, they do not represent the size of the army at any given date. These numbers do not include men who served in Confederate naval forces.
Although most of the soldiers who fought in the American Civil War were volunteers, both sides by 1862 resorted to conscription, primarily as a means to force men to register and to volunteer. In the absence of exact records, estimates of the percentage of Confederate soldiers who were draftees are about double the 6 percent of Union soldiers who were conscripts.
Confederate casualty figures also are incomplete and unreliable. The best estimates of the number of deaths of Confederate soldiers are about 94,000 killed or mortally wounded in battle, 164,000 deaths from disease and between 26,000 and 31,000 deaths in Union prison camps. One estimate of Confederate wounded, which is considered incomplete, is 194,026. These numbers do not include men who died from other causes such as accidents, which would add several thousand to the death toll.
The main Confederate armies, the Army of Northern Virginia under General Robert E. Lee and the remnants of the Army of Tennessee and various other units under General Joseph E. Johnston, surrendered to the U.S. on April 9, 1865 (officially April 12), and April 18, 1865 (officially April 26). Other Confederate forces surrendered between April 16, 1865 and June 28, 1865. By the end of the war, more than 100,000 Confederate soldiers had deserted,. The Confederacy's government was effectively dissolved when it fled Richmond in April.
By the time Abraham Lincoln took office as President of the United States on March 4, 1861, the seven seceding slave states had formed the Confederate States. These states seized U.S. property, including nearly all U.S. forts, within their borders. Lincoln was determined to hold the forts remaining under U.S. control when he took office, especially Fort Sumter in the harbor of Charleston, South Carolina. By the time Lincoln was sworn in as president, the incompatible positions of the parties were fixed and irreconcilable and the Provisional Confederate Congress had authorized the organization of a large Provisional Army of the Confederate States (PACS).
Under orders from Confederate President Jefferson Davis, C.S. troops controlled by the Confederate government under the command of General P. G. T. Beauregard bombarded the U.S. base of Fort Sumter on April 12–13, 1861, forcing its capitulation on April 14. The Northern states were outraged by the Confederacy's attack and demanded war. It rallied behind Lincoln's call on April 15, for all the states to send troops to recapture the forts from the secessionists, to put down the rebellion and to preserve the Union intact. Four more slave states then joined the Confederacy. Both the United States and the Confederate States began in earnest to raise large, mostly volunteer, armies with the objectives of putting down the rebellion and preserving the Union, on the one hand, or of establishing independence from the United States, on the other hand.
The Confederate Congress provided for a Confederate army patterned after the United States Army. It was to consist of a large provisional force to exist only in time of war and a small permanent regular army. The provisional, volunteer army was established by an act of the Provisional Confederate Congress passed on February 28, 1861, one week before the act which established the permanent regular army organization, passed on March 6. Although the two forces were to exist concurrently, very little was done to organize the Confederate regular army.
- The Provisional Army of the Confederate States (PACS) began organizing on April 27. Virtually all regular, volunteer, and conscripted men preferred to enter this organization since officers could achieve a higher rank in the Provisional Army than they could in the Regular Army. If the war had ended successfully for them, the Confederates intended that the PACS would be disbanded, leaving only the ACSA.
- The Army of the Confederate States of America (ACSA) was the regular army and was authorized to include 15,015 men, including 744 officers, but this level was never achieved. The men serving in the highest rank as Confederate States generals, such as Samuel Cooper and Robert E. Lee, were enrolled in the ACSA to ensure that they outranked all militia officers. ACSA ultimately existed only on paper. The organization of the ACSA did not proceed beyond the appointment and confirmation of some officers. Three state regiments were later denominated "Confederate" regiments but this appears to have had no practical effect on the organization of a regular Confederate Army and no real effect on the regiments themselves.
Members of all the Confederate States military forces (the army, the navy, and the marine corps) are often referred to as "Confederates", and members of the Confederate army were referred to as "Confederate soldiers". Supplementing the Confederate army were the various state militias of the Confederacy:
- Confederate States State Militias were organized and commanded by the state governments, similar to those authorized by the United States' Militia Act of 1792.
Control and conscription
Control and operation of the Confederate army was administered by the Confederate States War Department, which was established by the Confederate Provisional Congress in an act on February 21, 1861. The Confederate Congress gave control over military operations, and authority for mustering state forces and volunteers to the President of the Confederate States of America on February 28, 1861, and March 6, 1861. On March 8 the Confederate Congress passed a law that authorized Davis to issue proclamations to call up no more than 100,000 men. The War Department asked for 8,000 volunteers on March 9, 20,000 on April 8, and 49,000 on and after April 16. Davis proposed an army of 100,000 men in his message to Congress on April 29.
On August 8, 1861, the Confederacy called for 400,000 volunteers to serve for one or three years. In April 1862, the Confederacy passed the first conscription law in U.S. history, the Conscription Act, which made all able bodied white men between the ages of 18 and 35 liable for a three-year term of service in the PACS. It also extended the terms of enlistment for all one-year soldiers to three years. Men employed in certain occupations considered to be most valuable for the home front (such as railroad and river workers, civil officials, telegraph operators, miners, druggists and teachers) were exempt from the draft. The act was amended twice in 1862. On September 27, the maximum age of conscription was extended to 45. On October 11, the Confederate Congress passed the so-called "Twenty Negro Law", which exempted anyone who owned 20 or more slaves, a move that caused deep resentment among conscripts who did not own slaves.
The Confederate Congress made several more amendments over the course of the war to address losses suffered in battle as well as the North's greater supply of manpower. In December 1863, they abolished the practice of allowing a rich drafted man to hire a substitute to take his place in the ranks. Substitution had also been practiced in the Northern states, leading to similar resentment from the lower classes. In February 1864, the age limits were extended to between 17 and 50. Challenges to the subsequent acts came before five state supreme courts; all five upheld them.
Morale and motivations
In his 2010 book Major Problems in the Civil War, historian Michael Perman says that historians are of two minds on why millions of men seemed so eager to fight, suffer and die over four years:
Some historians emphasize that Civil War soldiers were driven by political ideology, holding firm beliefs about the importance of liberty, Union, or state rights, or about the need to protect or to destroy slavery. Others point to less overtly political reasons to fight, such as the defense of one's home and family, or the honor and brotherhood to be preserved when fighting alongside other men. Most historians agree that, no matter what he thought about when he went into the war, the experience of combat affected him profoundly and sometimes affected his reasons for continuing to fight.
Religion played a major part in the lives of Confederate soldiers, and there were numerous revivals in the Confederate army's camps. Men with a weak religious affiliation became committed Christians, and saw their military service in terms of God's wishes. The impacted shaped them as veterans too. Military chaplains argued the link between Christian salvation. Religion strengthened the soldiers' loyalty to comrades and the Confederacy. Military historian Samuel J. Watson argues that Christian faith was a major factor in combat motivation. The soldiers' faith was consoling for the loss of comrades; it was a shield against fear; it helped cut down on drinking and fighting; it enlarged the soldiers community of close friends and helped make up for long-term separation from home.
Slavery and white supremacism
In his 1997 book For Cause and Comrades, which examines the motivations of the American Civil War's soldiers, historian James M. McPherson contrasts the views of Confederate soldiers regarding slavery to that of the colonial American revolutionaries of the 18th century. He stated that while the American colonists of the 1770s saw an incongruity with slave ownership and proclaiming to be fighting for liberty, Confederacy's soldiers did not, as the Confederate ideology of white supremacy negated any contradiction between the two:
Unlike many slaveholders in the age of Thomas Jefferson, Confederate soldiers from slaveholding families expressed no feelings of embarrassment or inconsistency in fighting for their own liberty while holding other people in slavery. Indeed, white supremacy and the right of property in slaves were at the core of the ideology for which Confederate soldiers fought.— James M. McPherson, For Cause and Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil War (1997), p. 106, emphasis added.
McPherson states that Confederate soldiers did not discuss the issue of slavery as often as Union soldiers did, because most Confederate soldiers readily accepted as an obvious fact that they were fighting to perpetuate slavery and thus did not feel the need to debate over it:
[O]nly 20 percent of the sample of 429 Southern soldiers explicitly voiced proslavery convictions in their letters or diaries. As one might expect, a much higher percentage of soldiers from slaveholding families than from nonslaveholding families expressed such a purpose: 33 percent, compared with 12 percent. Ironically, the proportion of Union soldiers who wrote about the slavery question was greater, as the next chapter will show. There is a ready explanation for this apparent paradox. Emancipation was a salient issue for Union soldiers because it was controversial. Slavery was less salient for most Confederate soldiers because it was not controversial. They took slavery for granted as one of the Southern 'rights' and institutions for which they fought, and did not feel compelled to discuss it.
Continuing, McPherson also stated that of the hundreds of Confederate soldiers' letters he had examined, none of them contained any anti-slavery sentiment whatsoever:
Although only 20 percent of the soldiers avowed explicit proslavery purposes in their letters and diaries, none at all dissented from that view.
But McPherson admits flaws in his sampling of letters. Soldiers from slaveholding families were overrepresented by 100%:
Nonslaveholding farmers are underrepresented in the Confederate sample. Indeed, while about one-third of all Confederate soldiers belonged to slaveholding families, slightly more than two-thirds of the sample whose slaveholding status is known did so.
In some cases, Confederate men were motivated to join the army in response to the Union's actions in regards to opposition to slavery. After U.S. President Abraham Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation, some Confederate soldiers welcomed the move, as they believed it would strengthen pro-slavery sentiment in the Confederacy and thus, lead to greater enlistment of white men into the Confederate army.
One Confederate soldier from Texas gave his reasons for fighting for the Confederacy, stating that "we are fighting for our property", contrasting this with the motivations of Union soldiers, whom he claimed were fighting for the "flimsy and abstract idea that a negro is equal to an Anglo". One Louisianan artillery soldier stated, "I never want to see the day when a negro is put on an equality with a white person. There is too many free niggers . . . now to suit me, let alone having four millions." A North Carolinian soldier stated, "[A] white man is better than a nigger."
In 1894, Virginian and former Confederate soldier John S. Mosby, reflecting back on his role in the war, stated in a letter to a friend that "I've always understood that we went to war on account of the thing we quarreled with the North about. I've never heard of any other cause than slavery."
At many points during the war, and especially near the end, Confederate armies were very poorly fed. Back home their families were in worsening condition and faced starvation and marauders. Many soldiers went home temporarily ("absent without official leave") and quietly returned when their family problems had been resolved. By September 1864, however, President Davis publicly admitted that two thirds of the soldiers were absent, "most of them without leave." The problem escalated rapidly after that, and fewer and fewer men returned. Soldiers who were fighting in defense of their homes realized that they had to desert to fulfill that duty. Historian Mark Weitz argues that the official count of 103,400 deserters is too low. He concludes that most of the desertions came because the soldier felt he owed a higher duty to his own family than to the Confederacy.
Confederate policies generally were severe. For example, on August 19, 1862 General Stonewall Jackson approved the court-martial sentence of execution for three soldiers for desertion. He rejected pleas for clemency from the soldier's regimental commander. Jackson's goal was to maintain discipline in a volunteer army whose homes were under threat of enemy occupation.
Historians have emphasized how soldiers from poor families deserted because they were urgently needed at home. Local pressures mounted as Union forces occupied more and more of the Confederacy, putting more and more families at risk. One Confederate officer at the time noted, "The deserters belong almost entirely to the poorest class of non slave-holders whose labor is indispensable to the daily support of their families" and that "When the father, husband or son is forced into the service, the suffering at home with them is inevitable. It is not in the nature of these men to remain quiet in the ranks under such circumstances."
Some soldiers also deserted from ideological motivations. A growing threat to the solidarity of the Confederacy was dissatisfaction in the Appalachian mountain districts caused by lingering unionism and a distrust of the slave power. Many of their soldiers deserted, returned home, and formed a military force that fought off regular army units trying to punish them. North Carolina lost 23% of its soldiers (24,122) to desertion. The state provided more soldiers per capita than any other Confederate state, and had more deserters as well.
Young Mark Twain deserted long before he became a famous writer and lecturer, but he often commented upon the episode in comic fashion. Beneath his desertion from a Missouri State Guard unit was his deep unease about losing his personal honor, his fear of facing death as a soldier, and his rejection of a Southern identity as a professional author.
Because of the destruction of any central repository of records in Richmond in 1865 and the comparatively poor record-keeping of the time, there can be no definitive number that represents the strength of the Confederate States Army. Estimates range from 500,000 to 2,000,000 men who were involved at any time during the war. Reports from the War Department began at the end of 1861 (326,768 men), 1862 (449,439), 1863 (464,646), 1864 (400,787), and "last reports" (358,692). Estimates of enlistments throughout the war were 1,227,890 to 1,406,180.
The following calls for men were issued:
- March 6, 1861: 100,000 volunteers and militia
- January 23, 1862: 400,000 volunteers and militia
- April 16, 1862, the First Conscription Act: conscripted white men ages 18 to 35 for the duration of hostilities
- September 27, 1862, the Second Conscription Act: expanded the age range to 18 to 45, with implementation beginning on July 15, 1863
- February 17, 1864, the Third Conscription Act: ages 17 to 50
- March 13, 1865, authorized up to 300,000 African American troops but was never fully implemented.
The CSA was initially a (strategically) defensive army, and many soldiers were resentful when Lee led the Army of Northern Virginia in an invasion of the North in the Antietam Campaign.
The army did not have a formal overall military commander, or general-in-chief, until late in the war. The Confederate President, Jefferson Davis, himself a former U.S. Army officer and U.S. Secretary of War, served as commander-in-chief and provided the strategic direction for Confederate land and naval forces. The following men had varying degrees of control:
- Robert E. Lee was "charged with the conduct of military operations in the armies of the Confederacy" from March 13 to May 31, 1862. He was referred to as Davis' military adviser but exercised broad control over the strategic and logistical aspects of the Army, a role similar in nature to the current Chief of Staff of the United States Army. On June 1, he assumed command of the Army of Northern Virginia, which was considered the most important of all the Confederate field armies.
- Braxton Bragg was similarly "charged with the conduct of military operations in the armies of the Confederacy" from February 24, 1864 (after he was relieved of field command following the Battle of Chattanooga) to January 31, 1865. This role was a military advisory position under Davis.
- Lee was formally designated general-in-chief by an act of Congress (January 23, 1865) and served in this capacity from January 31 to April 9, 1865.
The lack of centralized control was a strategic weakness for the Confederacy, and there are few instances of multiple armies acting in concert across multiple theaters to achieve a common objective. (An exception to this was in late 1862 when Lee's invasion of Maryland was coincident with two other actions: Bragg's invasion of Kentucky and Earl Van Dorn's advance against Corinth, Mississippi. All three initiatives were unsuccessful, however.) Likewise, an extreme example of "States Rights" control of C.S. soldiers was Georgia Governor Joseph E. Brown, who not only reportedly tried to keep Georgia troops from leaving the State of Georgia in 1861 but also tried to keep them from C.S. government control when U.S. forces entered Georgia in 1864.
Many of the Confederacy's senior military leaders (including Robert E. Lee, Albert Sidney Johnston, James Longstreet) and even President Jefferson Davis were former U.S. Army and, in smaller numbers, U.S. Navy officers who had been opposed to, disapproved of, or were at least unenthusiastic about secession but resigned their U.S. commissions upon hearing that their states had left the Union. They felt that they had no choice but to help defend their homes. President Abraham Lincoln was exasperated to hear of such men who professed to love their country but were willing to fight against it.
As in the U.S. Army, the Confederate army's soldiers were organized by military specialty. The combat arms included infantry, cavalry and artillery.
The Confederate States Army consisted of several armies. Although fewer soldiers might comprise a squad or platoon, the smallest unit in the Army was a company of 100 soldiers. Ten companies were organized into a regiment, which theoretically had 1,000 men. In reality, as disease and casualties took their toll, most regiments were greatly reduced in strength. Replacements usually went to form new regiments and not often to existing ones.
Regiments, which were the basic units of army organization through which soldiers were supplied and deployed, were raised by individual states. They were generally referred by number and state, for example 1st Texas, 12th Virginia. To the extent the word "battalion" was used to describe a military unit, it referred to a regiment or a near regimental size unit.
Four regiments usually formed a brigade, although as the number of men in many regiments became greatly reduced, especially later in the war, more than four were often assigned to a brigade. Occasionally, regiments would be transferred between brigades. Two to four brigades usually formed a division. Two to four divisions usually formed a corps. Two to four corps usually formed an army. Occasionally, a single corps might operate independently as if it were a small army.
Companies were commanded by captains and had two or more lieutenants. Regiments were commanded by colonels. Lieutenant colonels were second in command. At least one major was next in command. Brigades were commanded by brigadier generals although casualties or other attrition sometimes meant that brigades would be commanded by senior colonels or even a lower grade officer. Barring the same type of circumstances which might leave a lower grade officer in temporary command, divisions were commanded by major generals and corps were commanded by lieutenant generals. A few corps commanders were never confirmed as lieutenant generals and exercised corps command for varying periods of time as major generals. Armies of more than one corps were commanded by (full) generals.
Ranks and insignia
|Officer rank structure of the Confederate Army|
|General||Colonel||Lieutenant colonel||Major||Captain||First lieutenant||Second lieutenant|
Colonel (Infantry shown)
Lieutenant-colonel (Headquarters shown)
Major (Medical Corps shown)
Captain (Marine Corps shown)
1st Lieutenant (Artillery shown)
2nd Lieutenant (Cavalry shown)
There were four grades of general officer (general, lieutenant general, major general, and brigadier general), but all wore the same insignia regardless of grade. This was a decision made early in the conflict. The Confederate Congress initially made the rank of brigadier general the highest rank. As the war progressed, the other general-officer ranks were quickly added, but no insignia for them was created. (Robert E. Lee was a notable exception to this. He chose to wear the rank insignia of a colonel.) Only seven men achieved the rank of (full) general; the highest ranking (earliest date of rank) was Samuel Cooper, Adjutant General and Inspector General of the Confederate States Army.
Officers' uniforms bore a braid design on the sleeves and kepi, the number of adjacent strips (and therefore the width of the lines of the design) denoting rank. The color of the piping and kepi denoted the military branch. The braid was sometimes left off by officers since it made them conspicuous targets. The kepi was rarely used, the common slouch hat being preferred for its practicality in the Southern climate.
|Enlisted rank structure|
|Sergeant Major||Quartermaster Sergeant||Ordnance Sergeant||First Sergeant|
|no insignia||no insignia|
Branch colors were used for color of chevrons. Blue for infantry, yellow for cavalry, and red for artillery. This could differ with some units, however, depending on available resources or the unit commander's desire. Cavalry regiments from Texas, for example, often used red insignia and at least one Texas infantry regiment used black.
The CSA differed from many contemporaneous armies in that all officers under the rank of brigadier general were elected by the soldiers under their command. The Confederate Congress authorized the awarding of medals for courage and good conduct on October 13, 1862, but war time difficulties prevented the procurement of the needed medals. To avoid postponing recognition for their valor, those nominated for the awards had their names placed on a Roll of Honor, which would be read at the first dress parade after its receipt and be published in at least one newspaper in each state.
Armies and prominent leaders
The C.S. Army was composed of independent armies and military departments that were constituted, renamed, and disbanded as needs arose, particularly in reaction to offensives launched by the Union. These major units were generally named after states or geographic regions (in comparison to the Union's custom of naming armies after rivers). Armies were usually commanded by full generals (there were seven in the C.S. Army) or lieutenant generals. Some of the more important armies and their commanders were:
- Army of Arkansas – Sterling Price, Edmund Kirby Smith
- Army of Central Kentucky — Simon B. Buckner, Albert Sidney Johnston
- Army of East Tennessee – Edmund Kirby Smith (later renamed Army of Kentucky)
- Army of Eastern Kentucky – Humphrey Marshall
- Army of the Kanawha — Henry A. Wise, John B. Floyd, Robert E. Lee
- Army of Kentucky — Edmund Kirby Smith (eventually commander of all forces West of the Mississippi)
- Army of Louisiana – Braxton Bragg. Paul O. Hébert
- Army of Mississippi
- March 1862 – November 1862: P. G. T. Beauregard, Albert Sidney Johnston, Braxton Bragg, William J. Hardee, Leonidas Polk, (also known as the Army of the Mississippi; redesignated Army of Tennessee on November 20, 1862)
- December 1862 – July 1863: John C. Pemberton, Earl Van Dorn, (1863) William W. Loring (also known as Army of Vicksburg)
- July 1863 – June 1864: William J. Hardee, Leonidas Polk, William W. Loring (also known as the Army of the Mississippi; redesignated III Corps, Army of Tennessee in May 1864, but continued to use its old name)
- Army of Middle Tennessee — John C. Breckinridge
- Army of Missouri — Sterling Price
- Army of Mobile – Jones M. Withers, Braxton Bragg, John B. Villepigue, Samuel Jones, William L. Powell, John H. Forney
- Army of New Mexico — Henry H. Sibley
- Army of Northern Virginia — Joseph E. Johnston, Gustavus W. Smith, Robert E. Lee
- Army of the Northwest — Robert S. Garnett, Henry R. Jackson, William W. Loring, Edward Johnson
- Army of the Peninsula — John B. Magruder, Daniel H. Hill
- Army of Pensacola – Adley H. Gladden, Braxton Bragg, Samuel Jones
- Army of the Potomac — P. G. T. Beauregard, Joseph E. Johnston
- Army of the Shenandoah – Joseph E. Johnston
- Army of Tennessee — Braxton Bragg, Samuel Gibbs French, William J. Hardee, Daniel H. Hill, John Bell Hood, Joseph E. Johnston, Richard Taylor
- Army of the Trans-Mississippi — Thomas C. Hindman, Theophilus Holmes, Edmund Kirby Smith (also known as the Army of the Southwest)
- Army of the Valley (also known as Second Corps, Army of Northern Virginia) — Jubal Early
- Army of the West – Earl van Dorn, John P. McCown, Dabney H. Maury, Sterling Price
- Army of West Tennessee – Earl Van Dorn
- Army of Western Louisiana – Richard Taylor, John G. Walker
Some other prominent Confederate generals who led significant units operating sometimes independently in the CSA included Thomas J. "Stonewall" Jackson, James Longstreet, J. E. B. Stuart, Gideon Pillow, and A. P. Hill.
Supply and logistics
The supply situation for most Confederate armies was dismal, even when they were victorious on the battlefield. The central government was short of money so each state government had to supply its own regiments. The lack of central authority and the ineffective railroads, combined with the frequent unwillingness or inability of Southern state governments to provide adequate funding, were key factors in the Confederate army's demise. The Confederacy early on lost control of most of its major river and ocean ports to capture or blockade. The road system was poor, and it relied more and more on a heavily overburdened railroad system. Union forces destroyed track, engines, cars, bridges and telegraph lines as often as possible, knowing that new equipment was unavailable to the Confederacy. Occasional raids into the North were designed to bring back money and supplies. In 1864, the Confederates burned down the Pennsylvania city of Chambersburg due to its failure to pay an extortion demand.
As a result of severe supply problems, as well as the lack of textile factories in the Confederacy and the successful Union naval blockade of Southern ports, the typical Confederate soldier was rarely able to wear the standard regulation uniform, particularly as the war progressed. While on the march or in parade formation, Confederate armies often displayed a wide array of dress, ranging from faded, patched-together regulation uniforms; rough, homespun uniforms colored with homemade dyes such as butternut (a yellow-brown color), and even soldiers in a hodgepodge of civilian clothing. After a successful battle, it was not unusual for victorious Confederate troops to procure Union Army uniform parts from captured supplies and dead Union soldiers; this would occasionally cause confusion in later battles and skirmishes.
Individual states were expected to supply their soldiers, which practice led to lack of uniformity. Some states (such as North Carolina) were able to better supply their soldiers, while other states (such as Texas) were unable for various reasons to adequately supply their troops as the war continued.
Furthermore, each state often had its own uniform regulations and insignia, which meant that the "standard" Confederate uniform often featured a variety of differences based on the state the soldier came from. For example, uniforms for North Carolina regiments often featured a colored strip of cloth on their shoulders to designate what part of the service the soldier was in. Confederate soldiers also frequently suffered from inadequate supplies of shoes, tents, and other gear, and would be forced to innovate and make do with whatever they could scrounge from the local countryside. While Confederate officers were generally better-supplied and were normally able to wear a regulation officer's uniform, they often chose to share other hardships – such as the lack of adequate food – with their troops.
Confederate soldiers were also faced with inadequate food rations, especially as the war progressed. There was plenty of meat in the Confederacy. The unsolvable problem was shipping it to the armies, especially when Lee's army in Virginia was at the end of a long, tenuous supply line. Union victory at Vicksburg in 1863 shut off supplies from Texas and the west.
By 1863 Confederate generals such as Robert E. Lee often spent as much time and effort searching for food for their men as they did in planning strategy and tactics. Individual commanders often had to "beg, borrow or steal" food and ammunition from whatever sources were available, including captured U.S. depots and encampments, and private citizens regardless of their loyalties. Lee's campaign against Gettysburg and southern Pennsylvania (a rich agricultural region) was driven in part by his desperate need of supplies, especially food.
General Sherman's total warfare reduced the ability of the South to produce food and ship it to the armies or its cities. Coupled with the Union blockade of all ports the devastation of plantations, farms and railroads meant the Confederacy increasingly lost the capacity to feed its soldiers and civilians.
Native Americans and the Confederate army
Native Americans served in both the Union and Confederate military during the American Civil War. They fought knowing they might jeopardize their freedom, unique cultures, and ancestral lands if they ended up on the losing side of the Civil War. 28,693 Native Americans served in the Union and Confederate armies during the Civil War, participating in battles such as Pea Ridge, Second Manassas, Antietam, Spotsylvania, Cold Harbor, and in Federal assaults on Petersburg. Many Native American tribes, such as the Creek and the Choctaw, were slaveholders themselves, and thus, found a political and economic commonality with the Confederacy.
At the beginning of the war, Albert Pike was appointed as Confederate envoy to Native Americans. In this capacity he negotiated several treaties, one such treaty was the Treaty with Choctaws and Chickasaws conducted in July 1861. The treaty covered sixty-four terms covering many subjects like Choctaw and Chickasaw nation sovereignty, Confederate States of America citizenship possibilities, and an entitled delegate in the House of Representatives of the Confederate States of America. The Cherokee, Choctaw, Seminole, Catawba, and Creek tribes were the only tribes to fight on the Confederate side. The Confederacy wanted to recruit Indians east of the Mississippi River in 1862, so they opened up a recruiting camp in Mobile, Alabama "at the foot of Stone Street." The Mobile Advertiser and Register would advertise for a chance at military service.
A Chance for Active Service. The Secretary of War has authorized me to enlist all the Indians east of the Mississippi River into the service of the Confederate States, as Scouts. In addition to the Indians, I will receive all white male citizens, who are good marksmen. To each member, Fifty Dollars Bounty, clothes, arms, camp equipage &c: furnished. The weapons shall be Enfield Rifles. For further information address me at Mobile, Ala. (Signed) S. G. Spann, Comm'ing Choctaw Forces.
Stand Watie, along with a few Cherokee, sided with the Confederate army, in which he was made colonel and commanded a battalion of Cherokee. Reluctantly, on October 7, 1861, Chief Ross signed a treaty transferring all obligations due to the Cherokee from the U.S. government to the Confederate States. In the treaty, the Cherokee were guaranteed protection, rations of food, livestock, tools and other goods, as well as a delegate to the Confederate Congress at Richmond.
In exchange, the Cherokee would furnish ten companies of mounted men, and allow the construction of military posts and roads within the Cherokee Nation. However, no Indian regiment was to be called on to fight outside Indian Territory. As a result of the Treaty, the 2nd Cherokee Mounted Rifles, led by Col. John Drew, was formed. Following the Battle of Pea Ridge, Arkansas, March 7–8, 1862, Drew's Mounted Rifles defected to the Union forces in Kansas, where they joined the Indian Home Guard. In the summer of 1862, Federal troops captured Chief Ross, who was paroled and spent the remainder of the war in Washington and Philadelphia proclaiming Cherokee loyalty to the Union army.
William Holland Thomas, the only white chief of the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians, recruited hundreds of Cherokees for the Confederate army, particularly for Thomas' Legion. The Legion, raised in September 1862, fought until the end of the War.
Choctaw Confederate battalions were formed in Indian Territory and later in Mississippi in support of the southern cause. The Choctaws, who were expecting support from the Confederates, got little. Webb Garrison, a Civil War historian, describes their response: when Confederate Brigadier General Albert Pike authorized the raising of regiments during the fall of 1860, Creeks, Choctaws, and Cherokees responded with considerable enthusiasm. Their zeal for the Confederate cause, however, began to evaporate when they found that neither arms nor pay had been arranged for them. A disgusted officer later acknowledged that "with the exception of a partial supply for the Choctaw regiment, no tents, clothing, or camp and garrison equipage was furnished to any of them."
In Choctaw Nation in Indian Territory, Jackson McCurtain, who would later become a district chief, was elected as representative from Sugar Loaf County to the National Council in October 1859. On June 22, 1861, he enlisted in the First Regiment of Choctaw and Chickasaw Mounted Rifles. He was commissioned Captain of Company G under the command of Colonel Douglas H. Cooper of the Confederate army. In 1862 he became a Lieutenant Colonel of the First Choctaw Battalion.
African Americans and the Confederate Army
With so many white males conscripted into the army and roughly 40% of its population unfree, the work required to maintain a functioning society in the Confederacy ended up largely on the backs of slaves. Even Georgian governor Joseph E. Brown noted that "the country and the army are mainly dependent upon slave labor for support." African American slave labor was used in a wide variety of logistical support roles for the Confederacy, from infrastructure and mining, to teamster and medical roles such as hospital attendants and nurses.
Using slaves as soldiers
The idea of arming the Confederacy's slaves for use as soldiers was speculated on from the onset of the war, but such proposals were not seriously considered by Jefferson Davis or others in the Confederate administration until late in the war, when the Confederacy was facing severe manpower shortages. Even after the Confederacy approved the usage of slaves as soldiers late in the war, very few slaves ended up being enlisted before the Confederacy surrendered to the U.S. and the war ended.
Opposition from Confederates
As early as November 1864, some Confederates knew that the chance of securing victory against the U.S. was slim. Despite lacking foreign assistance and recognition and facing slim chances of victory against superior U.S. assets, Confederate newspapers such as the Georgian Atlanta Southern Confederacy continued to maintain their position and oppose the idea of armed black men in the Confederate army, even late in the war as January 1865. They stated that it was incongruous with the Confederacy's goals and views regarding African Americans and slavery. The Georgian newspaper opined that using black men as soldiers would be an embarrassment to Confederates and their children, saying that although African Americans should be used for slave labor, they should not be used as armed soldiers, opining that:
Such an act on our part, would be a stigma on the imperishable pages of history, of which all future generations of Southrons would be ashamed. These are some of the additional considerations which have suggested themselves to us. Let us put the negro to work, but not to fight.
Prominent Confederates such as R. M. T. Hunter and Georgian Democrat Howell Cobb opposed soldiering their male slaves well, with the latter saying that it was "suicidal" and would run contrary to the Confederacy's ideology. Opposing such a move, Cobb stated that African Americans were untrustworthy and innately lacked the qualities to make good soldiers, and that using them would cause many Confederates to quit the army:
The proposition to make soldiers of our slaves is the most pernicious idea that has been suggested since the war began. It is to me a source of deep mortification... You cannot make soldiers of slaves, nor slaves of soldiers. The moment you resort to negro soldiers your white soldiers will be lost to you; and one secret of the favor with which the proposition is received in portions of the army is the hope that when negroes go into the Army they will be permitted to retire... [Y]ou can't trust negroes... [D]on't arm them... If slaves make good soldiers our whole theory of slavery is wrong... [T]hey are wanting in every qualification of a soldier.— Howell Cobb, letter to James A. Seddon, (January 1865).
The overwhelming support most Confederates had for maintaining black slavery was the primary cause of their strong opposition to using African Americans as armed soldiers. Maintaining the institution of slavery was the primary goal of the Confederacy's existence, and thus, using their slaves as soldiers was incongruous with that goal. According to historian Paul D. Escott:
[F]or a great many of the most powerful southerners the idea of arming and freeing the slaves was repugnant because the protection of slavery had been and still remained the central core of Confederate purpose... Slavery was the basis of the planter class's wealth, power, and position in society. The South's leading men had built their world upon slavery and the idea of voluntarily destroying that world, even in the ultimate crisis, was almost unthinkable to them. Such feelings moved Senator R. M. T. Hunter to deliver a long speech against the bill to arm the slaves.
Though most Confederates were opposed to the idea of using black soldiers, a small number suggested the idea. An acrimonious and controversial debate was raised by a letter from Patrick Cleburne urging the Confederacy to raise black soldiers by offering emancipation; Jefferson Davis refused to consider the proposal and issued instructions forbidding the matter from being discussed. It would not be until Robert E. Lee wrote the Confederate Congress urging them that the idea would take serious traction.
On March 13, 1865, the Confederate Congress passed General Order 14 by a single vote in the Confederate senate, and Jefferson Davis signed the order into law. The order was issued March 23, but as it was late in the war, only a few African American companies were raised in the Richmond area before the town was captured by the U.S. Army and placed back under U.S. control.
According to historian James M. McPherson in 1994, "no black soldiers fought in the Confederate army, unless they were passing as white." He noted that some Confederates brought along "their body servants, who in many cases had grown up with them" and that "on occasion some of those body servants were known to have picked up a rifle... But there was no official recruitment of black soldiers in the Confederate army until the very end of the war", when it was brought about only by a "desperate shortage of manpower."
Treatment of black civilians
In some cases, the Confederates forced their African American slaves to fire upon U.S. soldiers at gunpoint, such as at the first Battle of Bull Run. According to John Parker, one such slave who was forced by the Confederates to fight U.S. soldiers, "Our masters tried all they could to make us fight... They promised to give us our freedom and money besides, but none of us believed them; we only fought because we had to." Parker stated that had he been given an opportunity, he would have turned against his Confederate captors, and "could do it with pleasure". According to abolitionist Henry Highland Garnet in 1862, he had met a slave who "had unwillingly fought on the side of Rebellion", but said slave had since defected to "the side of Union and universal liberty."
In other cases, under explicit orders from their commanders, Confederate armies would often forcibly kidnap free African American civilians during their incursions into U.S. territory, sending them south into Confederate territory and thus enslaving them, as was the case with the Army of Northern Virginia when it invaded Pennsylvania in 1863.
Treatment of black prisoners of war
The usage of black men as U.S. soldiers by the Union, combined with Abraham Lincoln's issuing of the Emancipation Proclamation, profoundly angered the Confederacy, with the Confederates calling it uncivilized. In response the Confederacy in May 1863 passed a law demanding "full and ample retaliation" against the Union, stating that any black person captured in "arms against the Confederate States" or giving aid and comfort to their enemies would be turned over to state authorities where they could be tried as slave insurrectionists; a capital offense with a sentence of death but Confederate authorities feared retaliation and no black prisoner was ever put on trial and executed.
James McPherson states that "Confederate troops sometimes murdered black soldiers and their officers as they tried to surrender. In most cases, though, Confederate officers returned captured black soldiers to slavery or put them to hard labor on southern fortifications." African American USCT soldiers were often singled out by the Confederates and suffered extra violence when captured by them. They were often the victims of battlefield massacres and atrocities at the hands of the Confederates, most notably at Fort Pillow in Tennessee and at the Battle of the Crater in Virginia.
Prisoner exchanges with the Union
The Confederate law declaring black U.S. soldiers as being insurrectionist slaves, combined with the Confederacy's discriminatory mistreatment of captured black U.S. soldiers, became a stumbling block for prisoner exchanges between the Union and the Confederacy, as the U.S. government in the Lieber Code officially objected to the Confederacy's discriminatory mistreatment of prisoners of war on basis of color. The Republican Party's platform of the 1864 presidential election reflected this view, as it too condemned the Confederacy's discriminatory mistreatment of captured black U.S. soldiers. According to the authors of Liberty, Equality, Power, "Expressing outrage at this treatment, in 1863 the Lincoln administration suspended the exchange of prisoners until the Confederacy agree to treat white and black prisoners alike. The Confederacy refused."
Statistics and size
Incomplete and destroyed records make an accurate count of the number of men who served in the Confederate army impossible. Historians provide estimates of the actual number of individual Confederate soldiers between 750,000 and 1,000,000 men.
The exact number is unknown. Since these figures include estimates of the total number of individual soldiers who served in each army at any time during the war, they do not represent the size of the armies at any given date. Confederate casualty figures are as incomplete and unreliable as the figures on the number of Confederate soldiers. The best estimates of the number of deaths of Confederate soldiers appear to be about 94,000 killed or mortally wounded in battle, 164,000 deaths from disease and between 26,000 and 31,000 deaths in Union prison camps. In contrast, about 25,000 Union soldiers died as a result of accidents, drowning, murder, killed after capture, suicide, execution for various crimes, execution by the Confederates (64), sunstroke, other and not stated. Confederate casualties for all these reasons are unavailable. Since some Confederate soldiers would have died for these reasons, more total deaths and total casualties for the Confederacy must have occurred. One estimate of Confederate wounded, which is considered incomplete, is 194,026; another is 226,000. At the end of the war 174,223 men of the Confederate forces surrendered to the U.S. Army.
Compared to the U.S. Army at the time, the Confederate army was not very ethnically diverse. 91% of Confederate soldiers were native born white men and only 9% were foreign-born white men, Irishmen being the largest group with others including Germans, French, Mexicans, and British. A small number of Asian men were forcibly inducted into the Confederate army against their will when they arrived in Louisiana from overseas.
- C.S. War Dept., p. 402.
- On February 8, 1861, delegates from the seven Deep South slave states which had already declared their secession from the United States of America adopted the Provisional Constitution of the Confederate States.
- On March 1, 1861, Davis assumed control of the military situation at Charleston, South Carolina on behalf of the Confederate States government, where state militia threatened to seize Fort Sumter from the small U.S. Army garrison.
- Records of the number of individuals who served in the Union Army are more extensive, but still are not entirely reliable. Estimates of the number of individual Union soldiers range between 1,550,000 and 2,400,000, with a number between 2,000,000 and 2,200,000 most likely. Union Army records show slightly more than 2,677,000 enlistments but this number apparently includes many re-enlistments. These numbers do not include men who served in Union naval forces. These figures represent the total number of individual soldiers who served at any time during the war, not the size of the army at any given date.
- Albert Burton Moore, Conscription and Conflict in the Confederacy (1924).
- In comparison, the best estimates of the number of deaths of Union soldiers are 110,100 killed or mortally wounded in battle, 224,580 deaths from disease and 30,192 deaths in Confederate prison camps, although some historians also dispute these figures. The best conjecture for Union Army wounded is 275,175.
- Confederate forces at Mobile, Alabama, and Columbus, Georgia, also had already surrendered on April 14, 1865, and April 16, 1865, respectively. Union and Confederate units fought a battle at Columbus, Georgia, before surrender on April 16, 1865, and a small final battle at Palmito Ranch, Texas, on May 12, 1865. In areas more distant from the main theaters of operations, Confederate forces in Alabama and Mississippi under Lieutenant General Richard Taylor, in Arkansas under Brigadier General M. Jeff Thompson, in Louisiana and Texas under General E. Kirby Smith and in Indian Territory under Brigadier General Stand Watie surrendered on May 4, 1865, May 12, 1865, May 26, 1865 (officially June 2, 1865), and June 28, 1865, respectively.
- Foner, Eric (1988). Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877. United States of America: Harper & Row. p. 15. ISBN 0-06-093716-5. Retrieved March 2, 2016.
By war's end, more than 100,000 men had deserted...
- Eicher, pp. 70, 66.
- United States. War Dept (1900). Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies. p. 134.
- John George Nicolay; John Hay (1890). Abraham Lincoln: A History. The Century Co. p. 264.
- McPherson, James M.; Lamb, Brian (May 22, 1994). "James McPherson: What They Fought For, 1861-1865". Booknotes. National Cable Satellite Corporation. Archived from the original on March 9, 2016. Retrieved March 9, 2016.
- Foner, Eric (1988). Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877. United States of America: Harper & Row. p. 15. ISBN 0-06-093716-5. Retrieved March 2, 2016.
[T]he Confederacy enacted the first conscription laws in American history...
- Civil War Conscription Laws: November 15, 2012 by Margaret Wood.
- Faust, Patricia L. ed Historical Times Encyclopedia of the Civil War: New York, 1986
- Loewen, James W. (2007). Lies My Teacher Told Me: Everything Your American History Textbook Got Wrong. New York: The New Press. pp. 224–226. ISBN 978-1-56584-100-0. OCLC 29877812. Retrieved January 19, 2016.
- ""Civil War Conscription Laws": November 15, 2012 by Margaret Wood."
- Mississippi Law Journal (2000). "'Necessity Knows No Law': Vested Rights and Styles of Reasoning in the Confederate Conscription Cases" (PDF). Mississippi Law Journal. Mississippi..
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- Dollar, Kent T. (2005). Soldiers of the Cross: Soldier-Christians and the Impact of the War on their Faith. Mercer University Press.
- Woodworth, Steven E. (2001). While God is Marching On.
- Wilson, Charles Reagan (1980). Baptized in Blood.
- Miller, Randall; Stout, Harry; Wilson, Reagan (1998). "Religion and the American Civil War".
- Samuel J. Watson, "Religion and combat motivation in the Confederate armies." Journal of Military History 58#1 (1994): 29+.
- Sheehan-Dean, Aaron (2009). Why Confederates Fought: Family and Nation in Civil War Virginia.
- McPherson, James M. (1997). For Cause and Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil War. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 106. ISBN 0-19-509-023-3. OCLC 34912692.
Confederate soldiers from slaveholding families expressed no feelings of embarrassment or inconsistency in fighting for their own liberty while holding other people in slavery. Indeed, white supremacy and the right of property in slaves were at the core of the ideology for which Confederate soldiers fought.
- McPherson, James M. (1997). For Cause and Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil War. New York City, New York: Oxford University Press, Inc. pp. 109–110. ISBN 0-19-509-023-3. Retrieved April 1, 2016.
It would be wrong, however, to assume that Confederate soldiers were constantly preoccupied with this matter. In fact, only 20 percent of the sample of 429 Southern soldiers explicitly voiced proslavery convictions in their letters or diaries. As one might expect, a much higher percentage of soldiers from slaveholding families than from nonslaveholding families expressed such a purpose: 33 percent, compared with 12 percent. Ironically, the proportion of Union soldiers who wrote about the slavery question was greater, as the next chapter will show. There is a ready explanation for this apparent paradox. Emancipation was a salient issue for Union soldiers because it was controversial. Slavery was less salient for most Confederate soldiers because it was not controversial. They took slavery for granted as one of the Southern 'rights' and institutions for which they fought, and did not feel compelled to discuss it. Although only 20 percent of the soldiers avowed explicit proslavery purposes in their letters and diaries, none at all dissented from that view.
- James M. McPherson, For Cause and Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil War (1997), p. ix. "In both the Union and Confederate samples, foreign-born soldiers are substantially underrepresented. In the Union sample only 9 percent of the men were born abroad compared with 24 percent of all Union soldiers. Unskilled and even skilled laborers are underrepresented in both samples. Nonslaveholding farmers are underrepresented in the Confederate sample. Indeed, while about one-third of all Confederate soldiers belonged to slaveholding families, slightly more than two-thirds of the sample whose slaveholding status is known did so....Officers are overrepresented in both samples. While some 10 percent of Civil War soldiers served as officers for at least half of their time in the army, 47 percent of the Confederate sample and 35 percent of the Union sample did so. Both samples are also skewed toward those who volunteered in 1861-62 and therefore contain disproportionately few draftees..."
- McPherson, James M. (1997). For Cause and Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil War. New York City, New York. p. 107. ISBN 0-19-509-023-3. OCLC 34912692. Retrieved April 1, 2016.
The Proclamation is worth three hundred thousand soldiers to our Government at least... It shows exactly what this war was brought about for and the intention of its damnable authors.
- McPherson, James M. (1997). For Cause and Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil War. New York City, New York: Oxford University Press, Inc. p. 117. ISBN 0-19-509-023-3. OCLC 34912692. Retrieved April 1, 2016.
- McPherson, James M. (1997). For Cause and Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil War. New York City, New York: Oxford University Press, Inc. p. 109. ISBN 0-19-509-023-3. Retrieved April 1, 2016.
- Coski, John M. (2005). The Confederate Battle Flag: America's Most Embattled Emblem. United States of America: First Harvard University Press. p. 26. ISBN 0-674-01722-6. Retrieved July 1, 2015.
- Lozada, Carlos (June 19, 2015). "How people convince themselves that the Confederate flag represents freedom, not slavery: Historian John M. Coski examines the fights over the symbol's meaning in 'The Confederate Battle Flag: America's Most Embattled Emblem.'". The Washington Post. Washington, D.C.: Graham Holdings Company. Retrieved July 1, 2015.
- David Williams (2011). Rich Man's War: Class, Caste, and Confederate Defeat in the Lower Chattahoochee Valley. University of Georgia Press. p. 4.
- Mark A. Weitz, A higher duty: desertion among Georgia troops during the Civil War (U of Nebraska Press, 2005).
- K. M. L. "Stonewall's Rush to Judgment," Civil War Times (2010) 49#2 pp 51+.
- Ella Lonn, Desertion during the Civil War (1928).
- Peter S. Bearman, "Desertion as localism: Army unit solidarity and group norms in the US Civil War." Social Forces 70#2 (1991): 321-342. in JSTOR
- Foner, Eric (March 1989). "The South's Inner Civil War: The more fiercely the Confederacy fought for its independence, the more bitterly divided it became. To fully understand the vast changes the war unleashed on the country, you must first understand the plight of the Southerners who didn't want secession". American Heritage. Vol. 40 no. 2. p. 3. Archived from the original on January 1, 1970.
- Patrick J. Doyle, "Understanding the Desertion of South Carolinian Soldiers during the Final Years of the Confederacy." Historical Journal 56.03 (2013): 657-679.
- Rand Dotson, "'The grave and scandalous evil infected to your people': The erosion of Confederate loyalty in Floyd County, Virginia." Virginia Magazine of History and Biography (2000): 393-434. in JSTOR
- James T. Otten, "Disloyalty in the Upper Districts of South Carolina During the Civil War." South Carolina Historical Magazine 75.2 (1974): 95-110. in JSTOR
- Scott King-Owen, "Conditional Confederates: Absenteeism among Western North Carolina Soldiers, 1861–1865." Civil War History 57.4 (2011): 349-379. online
- Katherine A. Giuffre, "First in Flight: Desertion as Politics in the North Carolina Confederate Army." Social Science History 21.02 (1997): 245-263.
- Neil Schmitz, "Mark Twain, Traitor." Arizona Quarterly 63.4 (2007): 25-37. online
- Eicher, p. 71.
- Eicher, p. 25.
- Eicher, p. 26.
- Eicher, p. 29.
- Official Records, Series IV, Vol. III, pp. 1161–62.
- Eicher, p. 807. There were seven full generals in the CSA; John Bell Hood held "temporary full general" rank, which was withdrawn by the Confederate Congress.
- "The Civil War News & Views Open Discussion Forum". Archived from the original on July 20, 2011.
- George Edgar Turner, Victory rode the rails: the strategic place of the railroads in the Civil War (1972)
- Everard H. Smith, "Chambersburg: Anatomy of a Confederate Reprisal." American Historical Review 96#2 (1991): 432-455. in JSTOR
- Steven G. Collins, "System in the South: John W. Mallet, Josiah Gorgas, and uniform production at the confederate ordnance department." Technology and culture (1999) 40#3 pp: 517–544 in Project MUSE.
- Vandiver, Frank E. (1944). "Texas and the Confederate Army's Meat Problem". Southwestern Historical Quarterly. 47 (3): 225–233. JSTOR 30236034.
- Larry J. Daniel, Soldiering in the Army of Tennessee: A Portrait of Life in a Confederate Army (2003) ch 4 on inadequate rations
- W. David Baird; et al. (January 5, 2009). ""We are all Americans", Native Americans in the Civil War". Native Americans.com. Retrieved January 5, 2009.
- Rodman, Leslie. The Five Civilized Tribes and the American Civil War (PDF). p. 2.
- "Native Americans in the Civil War". Ethic Composition of Civil War Forces (C.S & U.S.A.). January 5, 2009. Retrieved January 5, 2009.
- Rodman, Leslie. The Five Civilized Tribes and the American Civil War (PDF). p. 5.
- Matte, Jacqueline (2002). "Refugees- Six Towns Choctaw, 1830–1890". They Say the Wind is Red. New South Books. p. 65. ISBN 978-1-58838-079-1.
- Garrison, Webb (1995). "Padday Some Day". More Civil War Curiosities. Rutledge Hill Press. ISBN 978-1-55853-366-0.
- "Choctaw Nation of Oklahoma: 1880 – Jackson F. McCurtain". 1880. Archived from the original on February 2, 2009. Retrieved February 8, 2008.
- Loewen, James W. (2007). Lies My Teacher Told Me: Everything Your American History Textbook Got Wrong. New York: The New Press. p. 193. ISBN 978-1-56584-100-0. Retrieved March 8, 2016.
White Southerners founded the Confederacy on the ideology of white supremacy. Confederate soldiers on their way to Antietam and Gettysburg, their two main forays into Union states, put this ideology into practice: they seized scores of free black people in Maryland and Pennsylvania and sold them south into slavery. Confederates maltreated black Union troops when they captured them.
- Symonds, Craig L. (2001). American Heritage History of the Battle of Gettysburg. New York: HarperCollins. pp. 49–54. ISBN 0-06-019474-X.
- Loewen, James W. (1999). Lies Across America: What American Historic Sites Get Wrong. New York City, New York: Touchstone, Simon & Schuster, Inc. p. 350. ISBN 0-684-87067-3. Retrieved March 5, 2016.
Lee's troops seized scores of free black people in Maryland and Pennsylvania and sent them south into slavery. This was in keeping with Confederate national policy, which virtually re-enslaved free people of color into work gangs on earthworks throughout the south.
- Simpson, Brooks D. (July 5, 2015). "The Soldiers' Flag?". Crossroads. WordPress.
[T]he Army of Northern Virginia was under orders to capture and send south supposed escaped slaves during that army's invasion of Pennsylvania in 1863.
- Masur, Kate (July 27, 2011). "Slavery and Freedom at Bull Run". The New York Times. New York: The New York Times Company. Retrieved March 5, 2016.
- Hall, Andy (February 20, 2015). "Memory: Frederick Douglass' Black Confederate". Dead Confederates: A Civil War Blog. WordPress. Archived from the original on March 9, 2016. Retrieved March 9, 2016.
- "Rebel Negro Pickets". Harper's Weekly. New York. January 10, 1863. Retrieved March 9, 2016.
So much has been said about the wickedness of using the negroes on our side in the present war, that we have thought it. worth while to reproduce on this page a sketch sent us from Fredericksburg by our artist, Mr. Theodore R. Davis, which is a faithful representation of what was seen by one of our officers through his field-glass, while on outpost duty at that place. As the picture shows, it represents two full-blooded. negroes, fully armed, and serving as pickets in the rebel army. It has long been known to military men that the insurgents affect no scruples about the employment of their slaves in any capacity in which they may be found useful. Yet there are people here at the North who affect to be horrified at the enrollment of negroes into regiments. Let us hope that the President will not be deterred by any squeamish scruples of the kind from garrisoning the Southern forts with fighting men of any color that can be obtained.
- Levine, p. 62.
- Journal of the Senate at an Extra Session of the General Assembly of the State of Georgia, Convened under the Proclamation of the Governor, March 25, 1863, p. 6.
- Levine, pp. 62–63.
- Jaime Amanda Martinez, Confederate Slave Impressment in the Upper South (U. North Carolina Press, 2013)
- Levine, pp. 17–18.
- "General Orders No. 14". Civil War on the Western Border: The Missouri-Kansas Conflict, 1855-1865. Kansas City: The Kansas City Public Library. Archived from the original on November 5, 2014. Retrieved November 5, 2014.
[I]t does not extend freedom to the slaves who serve, giving them little personal motivation to support the Southern cause. Ultimately, very few blacks serve in the Confederate armed forces, as compared to hundreds of thousands who serve for the Union.
- Davis, William C. (2002). Look Away!: A History of the Confederate States of America. New York: The Free Press. p. 402. ISBN 0-7432-2771-9. Retrieved March 9, 2016.
- Durden, Robert F. (1875). The Gray and the Black: The Confederate Debate on Emancipation. Baton Rouge, Louisiana: Louisiana State University. pp. 156–58.
- "Atlanta Southern Confederacy". Macon, Georgia. January 20, 1865.
We perceive the public journals continue to urge the measure of putting negroes into the army, and we hear people talking on the street corners in favor of the measure. Put arms in the hands of the slaves, and make them fight for us, they say. We have heretofore expressed our opinion in opposition to this measure, and shall not now repeat what we then said. In continuation of our formerly expressed views, we may add a few additional suggestions now. One speedy practical result of putting negroes in the army would be the peopling of all the swamps of the South with runaway negro deserters. Trained to the use of fire arms, they would depredate everywhere on cattle, hogs, etc., and would soon be forced to resort to robbery and plunder to gain subsistence. Attempts to arrest them would be resisted, and the horrors of a servile war would be realized. Very large numbers would desert and pursue this sort of life. If they did not do this, they would desert to the enemy. With the enemy they know they would get freedom at once. With us, they would get freedom after the war, taking our promises as true. There would exist an immediate certainty of freedom on one side; an uncertainty on the other. A well disposed, faithful, and intelligent slave in this region was recently asked by his master some questions on this very point. The view I have taken of the subject in the above remarks, are simply the views of the slave referred to, and constitutes the substance of his reply to his master. Put, said the negro, the slave into any other position in the service you choose-let him dig, drive teams, build roads, do any other duty, but do not call on him to fight... The negro is willing to work for us, but not to fight for us. We were passing into the car-shed of this city two days since. Some idle and vicious looking boys were directing some saucy conversation to a negro man of stalwart frame who stood near them. One of the boys said to the negro, "Uncle, why don't you go and fight?" "What I fight for?" asked the Ebon. "For your country," replied the boy. The negro scowled and said instantly, "I have no country to fight for." Now we think the negro was mistaken. We think his lot an enviable one, and that they constitute a privileged class in the community. As the toil of brain and muscle is daily renewed, amid uncertainties, for the procurement of bread for our wife and little ones, we often feel how happy we should be were we the slave of some good and provident owner. Then simple daily toil would fill the measure of duty, and comfortable food and clothing would be the assured reward. While, therefore, we think the negro was mistaken — that the South is emphatically his country while slavery exists — yet we have no idea he can be convinced of the fact sufficiently to take up arms and fight bravely for our cause as his cause, for our country as his country. But waiving all this, and supposing them to fight, and to so greatly aid us that we win our independence, what then? The fighting negroes are to be freed. What are we to do with them? Let them remain among us? If so, those who remain slaves may be so in name, but they will not be so in reality. Shall the free slaves then be sent out of the country out of the country whose independence they fought to obtain? Certainly no such reward as perpetual exile would-be either honorable to us, or just to them. Such an act on our part, would be a stigma on the imperishable pages of history, of which all future generations of Southrons would be ashamed. These are some of the additional considerations which have suggested themselves to us. Let us put the negro to work, but not to fight.
- Cobb, Howell (January 8, 1865). "Letter to James A. Seddon". Archived from the original on March 8, 2016. Retrieved March 8, 2016.
- Hall, Andy (January 8, 2015). "Real Confederates Didn't Know About Black Confederates". Dead Confederates: A Civil War Blog. WordPress. Archived from the original on March 8, 2016. Retrieved March 8, 2016.
[E]arnest and vituperative opposition to the enlistment of slaves in Confederate service was widespread, even as the concussion of Federal artillery rattled the panes in the windows of the capitol in Richmond.
- Chisholm, Hugh (1911). Encyclopædia Britannica (11 ed.). Cambridge University Press. Retrieved March 8, 2016.
- Levin, Kevin M. (January 7, 2015). "The Most Pernicious Idea: 150 Years Later". Civil War Memory. Archived from the original on January 9, 2015. Retrieved January 9, 2015.
- Paul D. Escott, After Secession: Jefferson Davis and the Failure of Confederate Nationalism (1992), p. 254.
- Official Records, Series I, Vol. LII, Part 2, pp. 586–92.
- McPherson, James M. (1991). "Chapter 17: The Decision to Raise a Negro Army, 1864–1865". The Negro's Civil War: How American Blacks Felt and Acted During the War for the Union. New York: Ballantine Books. ISBN 978-0-307-48860-2. Retrieved March 11, 2016.
- Durden, Robert F. (2000). The Gray and the Black: The Confederate Debate on Emancipation. Louisiana: LSU Press.
- Arnold, James R.; Wiener, Roberta; Weitz, Seth A. (2011). "Congress, Confederate". American Civil War: The Essential Reference Guide. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO, LLC. p. 56. ISBN 978-1-59884-905-9. Retrieved March 11, 2016.
- "Confederate Law authorizing the enlistment of black soldiers, March 13, 1865, as promulgated in a military order". Retrieved August 28, 2015.
- E. Merton Coulter (1950). The Confederate States of America, 1861–1865. LSU Press. pp. 267–68.
- David G. Smith, "Race and Retaliation: The Capture of African Americans During the Gettysburg Campaign." in Peter Wallenstein and Bertram Wyatt-Brown, ed., Virginia's Civil War (2004) pp: 122-37. online
- Ted Alexander, "'A Regular Slave Hunt': The Army of Northern Virginia and Black Civilians in the Gettysburg Campaign," North & South 4 (September 2001): 82–89
- Grant, Ulysses (August 23, 1863). "Letter to Abraham Lincoln". Cairo, Illinois. Archived from the original on May 3, 2014. Retrieved May 3, 2014.
I have given the subject of arming the Negro my hearty support. This, with the emancipation of the Negro, is the heaviest blow yet given the Confederacy. The South rave a greatdeel about it and profess to be very angry.
- Hall, Andy (April 15, 2014). "Understanding Fort Pillow: 'Full and Ample Retaliation'". Dead Confederates: A Civil War Blog. WordPress. Archived from the original on March 7, 2016. Retrieved March 6, 2016.
- Williams, George W., History of the Negro Race in America from 1619 to 1880: Negros as Slaves, as Soldiers, and as Citizens, vol. II, New York: G.P. Putnam Son's, 1883, pp. 351–352.
- Congress of the Confederate States of America (May 1, 1863). "No. 5.". Joint Resolution on the Subject of Retaliation. Virginia. Archived from the original on March 7, 2016. Retrieved March 6, 2016.
- Carolyn L. Karcher, First Woman in the Republic..., p. 725 (n.153)
- Murrin, John; McPherson, James M.; Johnson, Paul; Fahs, Alice; Gerstle, Gary (2009). Liberty, Liberty, Equality, Power. Cengage Learning. p. 433.
- Cornish, Dudley Taylor (1965). The Sable Arm: Negro Troops in the Union Army, 1861–1865. New York: W.W. Norton. pp. 173–180.
- Robertson, James I., Jr.; Pegram, William. "The Boy Artillerist": Letters of Colonel William Pegram, C.S.A.
- The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 98, no. 2 (The Trumpet Unblown: The Old Dominion in the Civil War), (1990), pp. 242–43.
- Murrin, John; McPherson, James M.; Johnson, Paul; Fahs, Alice; Gerstle, Gary (2009). Liberty, Equality, Power: Enhanced Concise Fourth Edition. Belmont, California: Cengage Learning. p. 433.
Confederate troops sometimes murdered black soldiers and their officers as they tried to surrender. In most cases, though, Confederate officers returned captured black soldiers to slavery or put them to hard labor on southern fortifications....Expressing outrage at this treatment, in 1863 the Lincoln administration suspended the exchange of prisoners until the Confederacy agree to treat white and black prisoners alike. The Confederacy refused.
- Townsend, E.D. (April 24, 1863). "SECTION III.–Deserters--Prisoners of war–Hostages–Booty on the battle-field.". INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES IN THE FIELD. Washington. Archived from the original on April 7, 2001. Retrieved April 7, 2001.
58. The law of nations knows of no distinction of color, and if an enemy of the United States should enslave and sell any captured persons of their Army, it would be a case for the severest retaliation, if not redressed upon complaint.
- Republican Party of the United States (June 7, 1864). "Republican Party Platform of 1864". Archived from the original on April 21, 2015.
[T]he Government owes to all men employed in its armies, without regard to distinction of color, the full protection of the laws of war—and that any violation of these laws, or of the usages of civilized nations in time of war, by the Rebels now in arms, should be made the subject of prompt and full redress.
- Long, E. B. The Civil War Day by Day: An Almanac, 1861–1865. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1971. OCLC 68283123. p. 705
- "Fact Sheet: America's Wars". United States Department of Veterans Affairs. November 2008. Archived from the original on July 30, 2009.
- Long, 1971, p. 711
- Davis, Burke (1960). Civil War: Strange and Fascinating Facts. Random House. Retrieved March 6, 2016.
- Inglish, Patty (July 8, 2015). "Honoring the Chinese Soldiers Who Fought in the American Civil War". HubPages. Archived from the original on March 6, 2016. Retrieved March 6, 2016.
Interestingly, some Chinese were 'Shanghaied' into the Confederate Army in New Orleans when they disembarked ships coming into port. They thought they were being invited to games and fun; and, they were not alone - other ethnic groups were mustered into the Confederate forces this way... This seems to have been usual for the 14th Louisiana Infantry, tricking Chinese and Filipino men into service. Because many of the Filipino men had Hispanic surnames, many are lost to history as having been Asian servicemen. In fact, many of them had lived in Mexico.
- Adams, George Worthington (1940). "Confederate Medicine". Journal of Southern History. 6#2. JSTOR 2191203.
- Allardice, Bruce (1997). West Points of the Confederacy: Southern Military Schools and the Confederate Army. Civil War History. 43#4.
- Bledsoe, Andrew S. Citizen-Officers: The Union and Confederate Volunteer Junior Officer Corps in the American Civil War (LSU Press, 2015). PhD dissertation version, 2012; bibliography on pp 400–439.
- Crawford, Martin. "Confederate Volunteering and Enlistment in Ashe County, North Carolina, 1861-1862." Civil War History 37.1 (1991): 29-50. online
- Crute Jr, Joseph H. (1987). Units of the Confederate States Army (2nd ed.). Gaithersburg: Olde Soldier Books. ISBN 0-942211-53-7.
- Daniel, Larry J. (2003). Soldiering in the Army of Tennessee: A Portrait of Life in a Confederate Army.
- Eicher, David J. (2001). Civil War High Commands. Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0-8047-3641-1.
- Freemon, Frank R. (1987). "Administration of the Medical Department of the Confederate States Army, 1861 to 1865". Southern Medical Journal. 80#5.
- Faust, Drew (1987). Christian Soldiers: The Meaning of Revivalism in the Confederate Army.
- Haughton, Andrew (2000). Training, Tactics and Leadership in the Confederate Army of Tennessee: Seeds of Failure.
- Jones, Adam Matthew. "'The land of my birth and the home of my heart': Enlistment Motivations for Confederate Soldiers in Montgomery County, Virginia, 1861-1862.'" (MA thesis Virginia Tech, 2014). online bibliography, pp 123–30.
- Levine, Bruce (2005). Confederate Emancipation: Southern Plans to Free and Arm Slaves during the Civil War.
- Logue, Larry M. (1993). "Who Joined the Confederate Army? Soldiers, Civilians, and Communities in Mississippi". Journal of Social History. 26#3. JSTOR 3788629.
- Sheehan-Dean, Aaron. "Justice Has Something to Do with It: Class Relations and the Confederate Army." Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 113 (2005):
- Sheehan-Dean, Aaron. Why Confederates Fought: Family and Nation in Civil War Virginia (2007). online
- Warner, Ezra J. Generals in Gray: Lives of the Confederate Commanders (LSU Press, 1959).
- Weinert, Richard P., Jr. (1991). The Confederate Regular Army. White Mane Publishing. ISBN 978-0-942597-27-1.
- Weitz, Mark A. (2005). More Damning than Slaughter: Desertion in the Confederate Army. U of Nebraska Press.
- Wiley, Bell Irvin. The Life of Johnny Reb: The Common Soldier of the Confederacy (1943).
- Watson, Samuel J. "Religion and combat motivation in the Confederate armies." Journal of Military History 58.1 (1994): 29-55.
- Wright, Marcus J. (1983). General Officers of the Confederate Army. J. M. Carroll & Co. ISBN 978-0-8488-0009-3.
- Sheehan-Dean, Aaron. "The Blue and Gray in Black and White: Assessing the Scholarship on Civil War Soldiers," in 'Aaron Sheehan-Dean, ed., 'The View from the Ground: Experiences of Civil War Soldiers (University Press of Kentucky, 2007) pp 9–30.
- Confederate States. War Dept. Regulations for the Army of the Confederate States. Richmond: J.W. Randolph. 1863.
- Robson, John S. (2007). How A One-Legged Rebel Lives: Reminiscences of the Civil War; The Story of the Campaigns of Stonewall Jackson. Kessinger Publishing. ISBN 978-1-84685-665-5.
- U.S. War Department (1880–1901), The War of the Rebellion: a Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, U.S. Government Printing Office
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- Confederate soldiers
- The American Civil War's rank insignia
- A Manual of Military Surgery (1863). The manual used by doctors in the CSA.
- U.S. Civil War Era Uniforms and Accouterments
- Duke University Libraries Digital Collections – William Emerson Strong Photograph Album 200 cartes-de-visite depicting officers in the Confederate army and navy, officials in the Confederate government, famous Confederate wives, and other notable figures of the Confederacy. Also included are 64 photographs attributed to Mathew Brady.
- Confederate and State Regulations at confederateuniforms.org
- 1st Confederate Battalion, Forney's Regiment (Living History Organization)
- Black soldiers in the U.S. Civil War
- Confederate Enlistment Oaths and Discharges of the Army of the State of Georgia