"Georgist" redirects here. For the Romanian political group, see National Liberal Party-Brătianu.

Georgism (also called geoism[1]) is an economic philosophy holding that, while people should own the value they produce themselves, economic value derived from land (including natural resources and natural opportunities) should belong equally to all members of society.[2][3][4] Developed from the writings of Henry George, the Georgist paradigm offers solutions to social and ecological problems, relying on principles of land rights and public finance which attempt to integrate economic efficiency with social justice.[5][6]

Georgism is concerned with the distribution of economic rent caused by natural monopolies, pollution, and the control of commons, including title of ownership for natural resources and other contrived privileges (e.g., intellectual property). Any natural resource which is inherently limited in supply can generate economic rent, but the classical and most significant example of 'land monopoly' involves the extraction of common ground rent from valuable urban locations. Georgists argue that taxing economic rent is efficient, fair, and equitable. The main Georgist policy is a tax assessed on land value. Georgists argue that revenues from a land value tax (LVT) can reduce or eliminate existing taxes on labor and investment that are unfair and inefficient. Some Georgists also advocate for the return of surplus public revenue back to the people by means of a basic income or citizen's dividend.

Economists since Adam Smith have observed that, unlike other taxes, a public levy on land value does not cause economic inefficiency.[7] A land value tax is often said to have progressive tax effects, in that it is paid primarily by the wealthy (the landowners), and it cannot be passed on to tenants, workers, or users of land.[8][9] Land value taxes would theoretically reduce economic inequality, increase wages, remove incentives to misuse real estate, and reduce the vulnerability that economies have from credit and property manias.[10] The philosophical basis of Georgism dates back to several early proponents such as John Locke,[11] Baruch Spinoza,[12] and Thomas Paine,[13] but the concept of gaining public revenues from natural resource privileges was widely popularized by the economist and social reformer Henry George and his first book, Progress and Poverty, published during 1879.

Georgist ideas were popular and influential during the late 19th and early 20th century.[14] Political parties, institutions and communities were founded based on Georgist principles during that time. Early devotees of Henry George's economic philosophy were often termed Single Taxers, associated with the idea of raising public revenue exclusively from land and privileges, but the term is now considered a misnomer because many Georgists endorse multiple types of government funding. In classical and Georgist economics, the term 'land' is defined as all locations, natural opportunities, resources, physical forces, and government privileges over economic domains, which is related to the concept of commons.[15] The term Georgism was invented later, and some prefer the term geoism to distinguish their beliefs from those of Henry George.[16][17]

Main tenets

A supply and demand diagram showing the effects of land value taxation. Note that the burden of the tax is entirely on the land owner, and there is no deadweight loss.
See also: Land value tax

Henry George is best known for popularizing the argument that government should be funded by a tax on land rent rather than taxes on labor. George believed that although scientific experiments could not be performed in political economy, theories could be tested by comparing different societies with different conditions and by thought experiments about the effects of various factors.[18] Applying this method, he concluded that many of the problems that beset society, such as poverty, inequality, and economic booms and busts, could be attributed to the private ownership of the necessary resource, land. In his most celebrated book, Progress and Poverty, George argues that the appropriation of land for private use contributes to persistent poverty in spite of technological progress, and causes economies to exhibit a tendency toward boom and bust cycles. According to George, people justly own what they create, but that natural opportunities and land belong equally to all.[3]

The tax upon land values is, therefore, the most just and equal of all taxes. It falls only upon those who receive from society a peculiar and valuable benefit, and upon them in proportion to the benefit they receive. It is the taking by the community, for the use of the community, of that value which is the creation of the community. It is the application of the common property to common uses. When all rent is taken by taxation for the needs of the community, then will the equality ordained by Nature be attained. No citizen will have an advantage over any other citizen save as is given by his industry, skill, and intelligence; and each will obtain what he fairly earns. Then, but not till then, will labor get its full reward, and capital its natural return.
Henry George, Progress and Poverty, Book VIII, Chapter 3

George believed there was an important distinction between common and collective property.[19] Although equal rights to land might be achieved by nationalizing land and then leasing it to private users, George preferred taxing unimproved land value and leaving the control of land mostly in private hands. George's reasoning for leaving land in private control and slowly shifting to land value tax was that it would not penalize existing owners who had improved land and would also be less disruptive and controversial in a country where land titles have already been granted.

Georgists have observed that privately created wealth is socialized via the tax system (e.g., through income and sales tax), while socially created wealth in land values are privatized in the price of land titles and bank mortgages. The opposite would be the case if land rents replaced taxes on labor as the main source of public revenue; socially created wealth would become available for use by the community, while the fruits of labor would remain private.[20] According to Georgists, a land value tax can be considered a user fee instead of a tax, since it is related to the market value of socially created locational advantage, the privilege to exclude others from locations. Assets consisting of commodified privilege can be considered as wealth since they have exchange value, similar to taxi medallions.[21] A land value tax, charging fees for exclusive use of land, as a means of raising public revenue is also a progressive tax tending to reduce economic inequality,[8][9] since it applies entirely to ownership of valuable land, which is correlated with income,[22] and there is no means by which landlords can shift the tax burden onto tenants or laborers.

Economic properties

Standard economic theory suggests that a land value tax would be extremely efficient – unlike other taxes, it does not reduce economic productivity.[10] Milton Friedman described Henry George's tax on unimproved value of land as the "least bad tax", since unlike other taxes, it would not impose an excess burden on economic activity (leading to zero or even negative "deadweight loss"); hence, a replacement of other more distortionary taxes with a land value tax would improve economic welfare.[23] As land value tax can improve the use of land and redirect investment toward productive, non-rentseeking activities, it could even have a negative deadweight loss that boosts productivity.[24] Because land value tax would apply to foreign land speculators, the Australian Treasury estimated that land value tax was unique in having a negative marginal excess burden, meaning that it would increase long-run living standards.[25]

It was Adam Smith who first noted the efficiency and distributional properties of a land value tax in his book, The Wealth of Nations:[7]

Ground-rents are a still more proper subject of taxation than the rent of houses. A tax upon ground-rents would not raise the rents of houses. It would fall altogether upon the owner of the ground-rent, who acts always as a monopolist, and exacts the greatest rent which can be got for the use of his ground. More or less can be got for it according as the competitors happen to be richer or poorer, or can afford to gratify their fancy for a particular spot of ground at a greater or smaller expense. In every country the greatest number of rich competitors is in the capital, and it is there accordingly that the highest ground-rents are always to be found. As the wealth of those competitors would in no respect be increased by a tax upon ground-rents, they would not probably be disposed to pay more for the use of the ground. Whether the tax was to be advanced by the inhabitant, or by the owner of the ground, would be of little importance. The more the inhabitant was obliged to pay for the tax, the less he would incline to pay for the ground; so that the final payment of the tax would fall altogether upon the owner of the ground-rent.

Both ground-rents and the ordinary rent of land are a species of revenue which the owner, in many cases, enjoys without any care or attention of his own. Though a part of this revenue should be taken from him in order to defray the expenses of the state, no discouragement will thereby be given to any sort of industry. The annual produce of the land and labour of the society, the real wealth and revenue of the great body of the people, might be the same after such a tax as before. Ground-rents and the ordinary rent of land are, therefore, perhaps, the species of revenue which can best bear to have a peculiar tax imposed upon them. [...] Nothing can be more reasonable than that a fund which owes its existence to the good government of the state should be taxed peculiarly, or should contribute something more than the greater part of other funds, towards the support of that government.

Benjamin Franklin and Winston Churchill made similar distributional and efficient arguments for taxing land rents. They noted that the costs of taxes and the benefits of public spending always eventually apply to and enrich, respectively, the owners of land. Therefore, they believed it would be best to defray public costs and recapture value of public spending by applying public charges directly to owners of land titles, rather than harming public welfare with taxes assessed against beneficial activities such as trade and labor.[26][27]

Henry George wrote that his plan would cause people "to contribute to the public, not in proportion to what they produce . . . but in proportion to the value of natural [common] opportunities that they hold [monopolize]." He went on to explain that "by taking for public use that value which attaches to land by reason of the growth and improvement of the community," it would, "make the holding of land unprofitable to the mere owner, and profitable only to the user." By George's plan, it would be impossible for speculators to hold valuable natural opportunities like urban real estate unused or used only partly. George claimed this would have many benefits, including the reduction or elimination of tax burdens from poorer neighborhoods and agricultural districts; the elimination of a multiplicity of taxes and expensive obsolete government institutions; the elimination of corruption, fraud, and evasion with respect to the collection of taxes; the enablement of true free trade; the destruction of monopolies; the elevation of wages to the full value of labor; the transformation of labor saving inventions into blessings for all; and the equitable distribution of comfort, leisure, and other advantages that are made possible by an advancing civilization.[28]

Sources of economic rent and related policy interventions

Income flow resulting from payments for restricted access to natural opportunities or for contrived privileges over geographic regions is termed economic rent. Georgists argue that economic rent of land, legal privileges, and natural monopolies should accrue to the community, rather than private owners. In economics, "land" is everything that exists in nature independent of human activity. George explicitly included climate, soil, waterways, mineral deposits, laws/forces of nature, public ways, forests, oceans, air, and solar energy in the category of land.[29] While the philosophy of Georgism does not say anything definitive about specific policy interventions needed to address problems posed by various sources of economic rent, the common goal among modern Georgists is to capture and share (or reduce) rent from all sources of natural monopoly and legal privilege.[30][31]

Henry George shared the goal of modern Georgists to socialize or dismantle rent from all forms of land monopoly and legal privilege. However, George emphasized mainly his preferred policy known as land value tax, which targeted a particular form of unearned income known as ground rent. George emphasized ground-rent because basic locations were more valuable than other monopolies and everybody needed locations to survive, which he contrasted with the less significant streetcar and telegraph monopolies, which George also criticized. George likened the problem to a laborer traveling home who is waylaid by a series of highway robbers along the way, each who demand a small portion of the traveler's wages, and finally at the very end of the road waits a robber who demands all that the traveler has left. George reasoned that it made little difference to challenge the series of small robbers when the final robber remained to demand all that the common laborer had left.[32] George predicted that over time technological advancements would increase the frequency and importance of lesser monopolies, yet he expected that ground rent would remain dominant.[33] George even predicted that ground-rents would rise faster than wages and income to capital, a prediction that modern analysis has shown to be plausible, since the supply of land is fixed.[34]

Common ground rent is still the primary emphasis of Georgists because of its large value and the known diseconomies of misused land. However, there are other sources of rent that are theoretically analogous to ground-rent and are debated topics of Georgists. The following are some sources of economic rent.[35][36][37]

Where free competition is impossible, such as telegraphs, water, gas, and transportation, George wrote, "[S]uch business becomes a proper social function, which should be controlled and managed by and for the whole people concerned." Georgists were divided by this question of natural monopolies and often favored public ownership only of the rents from common rights-of-way, rather than public ownership of utility companies themselves.[28]

Georgism and environmental economics

The early conservationism of the Progressive Era was inspired partly by Henry George and his influence extended for decades afterward.[48] Some ecological economists still support the Georgist policy of land value tax as a means of freeing or rewilding unused land and conserving nature by reducing urban sprawl.[49][50][51]

Pollution degrades the value of what Georgists consider to be commons. Because pollution is a negative contribution, a taking from the commons or a cost imposed on others, its value is economic rent, even when the polluter is not receiving an explicit income. Therefore, to the extent that society determines pollution to be harmful, most Georgists propose to limit pollution with taxation or quotas that capture the resulting rents for public use, restoration, or a citizen's dividend.[30][52][53]

Georgism is related to the school of ecological economics, since both propose market based restrictions for pollution.[49][54] The schools are compatible in that they advocate using similar tools as part of a conservation strategy, but they emphasize different aspects. Conservation is the central issue of ecology, whereas economic rent is the central issue of geoism. Ecological economists might price pollution fines more conservatively to prevent inherently unquantifiable damage to the environment, whereas Georgists might emphasize mediation between conflicting interests and human rights.[31][55] Geolibertarianism, a market oriented branch of geoism, tends to take a direct stance against what it perceives as burdensome regulation and would like to see auctioned pollution quotas or taxes replace most command and control regulation.[56]

Since ecologists are primarily concerned with conservation, they tend to emphasize less the issue of equitably distributing scarcity/pollution rents, whereas Georgists insist that unearned income not accrue to those who hold title to natural assets and pollution privilege. To the extent that geoists recognize the effect of pollution or share conservationist values, they will agree with ecological economists about the need to limit pollution, but geoists will also insist that pollution rents generated from those conservation efforts do not accrue to polluters and are instead used for public purposes or to compensate those who suffer the negative effects of pollution. Ecological economists advocate similar pollution restrictions but, emphasizing conservation first, might be willing to grant private polluters the privilege to capture pollution rents. To the extent that ecological economists share the geoist view of social justice, they would advocate auctioning pollution quotas instead of giving them away for free.[49] This distinction can be seen in the difference between basic cap and trade and the geoist variation, cap and share, a proposal to auction temporary pollution permits, with rents going to the public, instead of giving pollution privilege away for free to existing polluters or selling perpetual permits.[57][58]

Revenue uses

The revenue can allow the reduction or elimination of taxes, greater public investment/spending, or the direct distributed of funds to citizens as a pension or basic income/citizen's dividend.[31][59][60]

In practice, the elimination of all other taxes implies a very great land value tax, greater than any currently existing land tax. Introducing a land value tax greater than the value of existing taxes would, at an uncertain point, inevitably cause the price of all land titles to decrease. George did not believe landowners should be compensated, and described the issue as being analogous to compensation for former slave owners. Other geoists disagree on the question of compensation; some advocate complete compensation while others endorse only enough compensation required to achieve Georgist reforms. Geoists have also long differed from George as to the degree of rent capture needed. Historically, those who advocated for public rent tax only great enough to replace other taxes were known as endorsers of single tax limited.

Synonyms and variants

Most early advocacy groups described themselves as Single Taxers, and George reluctantly accepted "single tax" as an accurate name for his main political goal—the repeal of all unjust or inefficient taxes, to be replaced with a land value tax (LVT). In the modern era, Georgist proponents are a diverse group coming from many different backgrounds: ecologists emphasize environmentalism; geolibertarians emphasize its egalitarian free market philosophy; utilitarians emphasize the potential for enhanced public goods; and urbanists emphasize the economic and social benefits of efficiently utilizing prime land for businesses and housing.

Some modern proponents are dissatisfied with the name Georgist. While Henry George was well known throughout his life, he has been largely forgotten by the public and the idea of a single tax of land predates him. Some now prefer the term geoism,[17][61] with the meaning of geo (earth, in Greek) deliberately ambiguous. The terms Earth Sharing,[62] geonomics,[63] and geolibertarianism[64] (see Libertarianism) are also used by some Georgists. These terms represent a difference of emphasis, and sometimes real differences about how land rent should be spent (citizen's dividend or just replacing other taxes); but all agree that land rent should be recovered from its private recipients.

Compulsory fines and fees related to land rents are the most common Georgist policies, but some geoists prefer voluntary value capture systems that rely on methods such as non-compulsory or self-assessed location value fees, community land trusts,[65] and purchasing land value covenants.[66][67][68][69][70]

Some geoists believe that partially compensating landowners is a politically expedient compromise necessary for achieving reform.[71][72] For similar reasons, others propose capturing only future land value increases, instead of all land rent.[73]

Though Georgism has historically been considered as a radically progressive or socialist ideology, some libertarians and minarchists take the position that limited social spending should be financed using Georgist concepts of rent value capture, but that not all land rent should be captured. Today, this relatively conservative adaptation is usually considered incompatible with true geolibertarianism, which requires that excess rents be gathered and then distributed back to residents. During Henry George's time, this restrained Georgist philosophy was known as "single tax limited", as opposed to "single tax unlimited". Henry George disagreed with the limited interpretation but accepted its adherents (e.g., Thomas Shearman) as legitimate "single-taxers" [Georgists].[74] (See Milton Friedman in "Critical reception")


Henry George, whose writings and advocacy form the basis for Georgism.

Georgist ideas influenced the politics of the early 20th century. Political parties that were formed based on Georgist ideas include the USA's Commonwealth Land Party, the Henry George Justice Party, the Single Tax League, and Denmark's Justice Party.

In the UK during 1909, the Liberal Government included a land tax as part of several taxes in the People's Budget intended to redistribute wealth (including a progressively graded income tax and an increase of inheritance tax). This caused a crisis which resulted indirectly in reform of the House of Lords. The budget was passed eventually—but without the land tax. During 1931, the minority Labour Government passed a land value tax as part III of the 1931 Finance act. However, this was repealed during 1934 by the National Government before it could be implemented.

In Denmark, the Georgist Justice Party has previously been represented in Folketinget. It formed part of a centre-left government 1957–60 and was also represented in the European Parliament 1978–79. The influence of Henry George has waned over time, but Georgist ideas still occasionally emerge in politics. In the 2004 Presidential campaign, Ralph Nader mentioned Henry George in his policy statements.[75]


Several communities were also initiated with Georgist principles during the maximum of the philosophy's popularity. Two such communities that still exist are Arden, Delaware, which was founded during 1900 by Frank Stephens and Will Price, and Fairhope, Alabama, which was founded during 1894 by the auspices of the Fairhope Single Tax Corporation.[76]

The German protectorate of Jiaozhou Bay (also known as Kiaochow) in China fully implemented Georgist policy. Its sole source of government revenue was the land value tax of six percent which it levied in its territory. The German government had previously had economic problems with its African colonies caused by land speculation. One of the main reasons for using the land value tax in Jiaozhou Bay was to eliminate such speculation, which was entirely achieved.[77] The colony existed as a German protectorate from 1898 until 1914, when seized by Japanese and British troops. During 1922 the territory was returned to China.

Henry George School of Social Science in New York

Georgist ideas were also adopted to some degree in Australia, Hong Kong, Singapore, South Africa, South Korea, and Taiwan. In these countries, governments still levy some type of land value tax, albeit with exemptions.[78] Many municipal governments of the USA depend on real property tax as their main source of revenue, although such taxes are not Georgist as they generally include the value of buildings and other improvements, one exception being the town of Altoona, Pennsylvania, which only taxes land value.

Institutes and organizations

Various organizations still exist that continue to promote the ideas of Henry George. According to the The American Journal of Economics and Sociology, the periodical Land&Liberty, established during 1894, is "the longest-lived Georgist project in history".[79] Also in the U.S., the Lincoln Institute of Land Policy (established during 1974) was initiated based on the writings of Henry George. It "seeks to improve the dialogue about urban development, the built environment, and tax policy in the United States and abroad".[80] The Henry George Foundation continues to promote the ideas of Henry George in the UK.[81] The IU is an international umbrella organisation that brings together organizations worldwide that seek land value tax reform.[82]


Richard T. Ely, known as the "Father of Land Economics", agreed with the economic arguments for Georgism but believed that correcting the problem the way Henry George wanted (without compensation) was unjust to existing landowners. In explaining his position, Ely wrote that "If we have all made a mistake, should one party to the transaction alone bear the cost of the common blunder?"[83]

Alfred Marshall thought George's views in Progress and Poverty were dangerous, even predicting wars, terror, and economic destruction. Specifically, Marshall was upset about the idea of rapid change and the unfairness of not compensating existing landowners. In his lectures on Progress and Poverty, Marshall opposed George's position on compensation while fully endorsing his ultimate remedy. So far as land value tax moderately replaced other taxes and did not cause the price of land to fall, Marshall supported land value taxation on economic and moral grounds, suggesting that a three or four percent tax on land values would fit this condition. After implementing land taxes, governments would purchase future land values at discounted prices and take ownership after 100 years. Marshall asserted that this plan, which he strongly supported, would end the need for a tax collection department of government. For newly formed countries where land was not already private, Marshall advocated implementing George's economic proposal immediately.[84][85]

Robert Solow endorsed the theory of Georgism, but is wary of the perceived injustice of expropriation. Solow stated that taxing away expected land rents "would have no semblance of fairness"; however, Georgism would be good to introduce where location values were not already privatized or if the transition could be phased in slowly.[86]

John R. Commons supported Georgist economics but opposed what he perceived as an environmentally and politically reckless tendency for advocates to rely on a one-size-fits-all approach to tax reform, specifically, the 'single tax' framing. Commons concluded The Distribution of Wealth, with an estimate that "that perhaps 95% of the total values represented by these millionnaire [sic] fortunes is due to those investments classed as land values and natural monopolies and to competitive industries aided by such monopolies," and that "tax reform should seek to remove all burdens from capital and labour and impose them on monopolies." However, he criticized Georgists for failing to see that Henry George's anti-monopoly ideas must be implemented with a variety of policy tools. He wrote, "Trees do not grow into the sky---they would perish in a high wind; and a single truth, like a single tax, ends in its own destruction." Commons uses the natural soil fertility and value of forests as an example of this destruction, arguing that a tax on the in situ value of those depletable natural resources can result in overuse or over-extraction. Instead, Commons recommends an income tax based approach to forests similar to a modern Georgist severance tax.[87][88]

Milton Friedman agreed that "the Henry George argument" is "the least bad" means of raising needed public revenue.[89] However, Friedman viewed Georgism as partially immoral, due to a difference of opinion about the validity of vested property rights in land. Georgists agree with Friedman that land titles should remain private, however they believe that the private capture of unimproved land-rents is inherently unjust, drawing comparisons to slavery.[90]

Karl Marx considered the Single Tax platform as a regression from the transition to communism and referred to Georgism as "Capitalism’s last ditch."[91] Marx argued that, "The whole thing is... simply an attempt, decked out with socialism, to save capitalist domination and indeed to establish it afresh on an even wider basis than its present one."[92] Marx also criticized the way land value tax theory emphasizes the value of land, arguing that, "His fundamental dogma is that everything would be all right if ground rent were paid to the state."[92] Fred Harrison replies to these Marxist objections in "Gronlund and other Marxists – Part III: nineteenth-century Americas critics", American Journal of Economics and Sociology.[93]

George has also been accused of exaggerating the importance of his "all-devouring rent thesis" in claiming that it is the primary cause of poverty and injustice in society.[94] George argued that the rent of land increased faster than wages for labor because the supply of land is fixed. Modern economists, including Ottmar Edenhofer have demonstrated that George's assertion is plausible but was more likely to be true during George's time than now.[34]

Contemporaries such as Frank Fetter and John Bates Clark argued that it was impractical to distinguish land from capital, and used this as a basis to attack Georgism. Mark Blaug, a specialist in the history of economic thought, credits Fetter and Clark with influencing mainstream economists to abandon the idea "that land is a unique factor of production and hence that there is any special need for a special theory of ground rent" claiming that "this is in fact the basis of all the attacks on Henry George by contemporary economists and certainly the fundamental reason why professional economists increasingly ignored him."[95]

An early criticism of Georgism was that it would generate too much public revenue and result in unwanted growth of government, but later critics argued that it would not generate enough income to cover government spending. Joseph Schumpeter concluded his analysis of Georgism by stating that, "It is not economically unsound, except that it involves an unwarranted optimism concerning the yield of such a tax." Economists who study land conclude that Schumpeter's criticism is unwarranted because the rental yield from land is likely much greater than what modern critics such as Paul Krugman suppose.[96] Krugman agrees that land value taxation is the best means of raising public revenue but asserts that increased spending has rendered land rent insufficient to fully fund government.[97] Georgists have responded by citing studies and analyses implying that land values of nations like the US, UK, and Australia are more than sufficient to fund all levels of government.[98][99][100][101][102][103][104]

Anarcho-capitalist political philosopher and economist Murray Rothbard criticized Georgism in Man, Economy, and State as being philosophically incongruent with subjective value theory, and further stating that land is irrelevant in the factors of production, trade, and price systems,[105] but this critique is seen by some, including other opponents of Georgism, as relying on false assumptions and flawed reasoning.[106]

Austrian economist Friedrich Hayek credited early enthusiasm for Henry George with developing his interest in economics. Later, Hayek said that the theory of Georgism would be very strong if assessment challenges didn't result in unfair outcomes, but he believed that they would.[107]

Notable Georgists

See also


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  2. "An Introduction to Georgist Philosophy & Activity". Council of Georgist Organizations. Retrieved 28 June 2014.
  3. 1 2 Heavey, Jerome F. (July 2003). "Comments on Warren Samuels' "Why the Georgist movement has not succeeded"". American Journal of Economics and Sociology. 62 (3): 593–599. doi:10.1111/1536-7150.00230. JSTOR 3487813. human beings have an inalienable right to the product of their own labor
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  106. Heinrich, David J. "Murray Rothbard and Henry George". Retrieved 28 August 2014.
  107. Andelson, Robert V. (January 2000). "On Separating the Landowner's Earned and Unearned Increment: A Georgist Rejoinder to F. A. Hayek". American Journal of Economics and Sociology. 59 (1): 109–117. doi:10.1111/1536-7150.00016. Retrieved 27 November 2013. Hayek wrote, "It was a lay enthusiasm for Henry George which led me to economics."
  108. Brown, H. G. "A Defense of the Single Tax Principle." The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 183.1 (1936): 63-69. Quote: "The truth is that I recognize the fundamental justice and common sense of the single-tax idea. But that any other tax than a tax on land values is always and everywhere wrong, regardless of public needs or the nature of this other tax, I do not maintain."
  109. Harter, Lafayette G. John R. Commons, His Assault on Laissez-faire. Corvallis: Oregon State UP, 1962. Pages 21, 32, 36, 38.
  110. "Two Centuries of Economic Thought on Taxation of Land Rents." In Richard Lindholm and Arthur Lynn, Jr., (eds.), Land Value Taxation in Thought and Practice. Madison: Univ. of Wisconsin Press, 1982, pp. 151-96.
  111. Brue, Stanley (2012). The Evolution of Economic Thought (PDF) (Supplemental Biography of John Rogers Commons for chapter 19 of the online edition of The Evolution of Economic Thought ed.). Cengage Learning. Retrieved 1 September 2014. "After reading Henry George's Progress and Poverty," Commons "became a single-taxer."
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  114. Daly, Herman. "Smart Talk: Herman Daly on what's beyond GNP Growth". Henry George School of Social Science. Retrieved 24 October 2015. . . . I am really sort of a Georgist.
  115. Gaffney, Mason. "Stimulus: The False and the True Mason Gaffney". Retrieved 13 August 2015.
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  117. Edenhofer, Ottmar (2013). "Hypergeorgism: When is Rent Taxation as a Remedy for Insufficient Capital Accumulation Socially Optimal?". Retrieved 11 November 2013. Extending and modifying the tenet of georgism, we propose that this insight be called hypergeorgism." "From a historical perspective, our result may be closer to Henry George’s original thinking than georgism or the neoclassical Henry George Theorems.
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  119. Edenhofer, Ottmar. "The Triple Dividend Climate Change Mitigation, Justice and Investing in Capabilities" (PDF). Retrieved 11 November 2013.
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  124. Turgeon, Lynn. Bastard Keynesianism : the evolution of economic thinking and policymaking since World War II. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1997
  125. Gaffney, Mason. "Warm Memories of Bill Vickrey". Land & Liberty.
  126. Gaffney, Mason, and Fred Harrison. The corruption of economics. London: Shepheard-Walwyn in association with Centre for Incentive Taxation, 2006
  127. Hotelling, Harold. “The General Welfare in Relation to Problems of Taxation and of Railway and Utility Rates.” Econometrica, vol. 6, no. 3, 1938, pp. 242–269.
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  129. Knack, Ruth Eckdish. "Pay As You Park: UCLA professor Donald Shoup inspires a passion for parking." (May 2005). Planning Magazine. Retrieved 17 September 2014.
  130. Shoup, Donald C. "The Ideal Source of Local Public Revenue." Regional Science and Urban Economics 34.6 (2004): 753-84.
  131. Washington, Emily. "The High Cost of Free Parking Chapters 19-22". Market Urbanism. Retrieved 17 September 2014.
  132. Quotes from Nobel Prize Winners Herbert Simon stated in 1978: "Assuming that a tax increase is necessary, it is clearly preferable to impose the additional cost on land by increasing the land tax, rather than to increase the wage tax – the two alternatives open to the City (of Pittsburgh). It is the use and occupancy of property that creates the need for the municipal services that appear as the largest item in the budget – fire and police protection, waste removal, and public works. The average increase in tax bills of city residents will be about twice as great with wage tax increase than with a land tax increase."
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  139. Vickrey, William. "The Corporate Income Tax in the U.S. Tax System, 73 TAX NOTES 597, 603 (1996). Quote: "Removing almost all business taxes, including property taxes on improvements, excepting only taxes reflecting the marginal social cost of public services rendered to specific activities, and replacing them with taxes on site values, would substantially improve the economic efficiency of the jurisdiction."
  140. Cirillo, Renato (Jan 1984). "Léon Walras and Social Justice". The American Journal of Economics and Sociology. 43 (1): 53–60. doi:10.1111/j.1536-7150.1984.tb02222.x. Retrieved 12 November 2013.
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  142. Boast, Richard (2008). Buying the land, selling the land : governments and Maori land in the North Island 1865-1921. Wellington N.Z: Victoria University Press, Victoria University of Wellington. ISBN 9780864735614.
  143. Daunton, M. J. State and market in Victorian Britain : war, welfare and capitalism. Woodbridge, UK Rochester, NY: Boydell Press, 2008. Quote: "In the election of 1890 he campaigned for radical land reform, arguing for a tax on the 'unearned increment', and advocated the programme of Henry George as a means of 'bursting up the great estates'."
  145. MacLaren, Andrew (Autumn 2001). "The People's Rights: Opportunity Lost?". Finest Hour. 112. Retrieved 15 August 2015.
  146. Dugan, Ianthe Jeanne (March 17, 2013). "It's a Lonely Quest for Land-Tax Fans, But, by George, They Press On". Wall Street Journal. Retrieved 25 August 2014.
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  148. Bastian, Peter (2009). Andrew Fisher an underestimated man. Sydney, N.S.W: UNSW Press. pp. 28–30. ISBN 1742230040.
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  153. WOOLF, S.J. (April 27, 1941). "MORGENTHAU AT 85 RECALLS A FULL LIFE; MORGENTHAU AT 85". New York Times. NY Times Magazine. At heart [Woodrow Wilson] was a follower of Henry George and strongly objected to private profit accruing through the increase in land values.
  154. Trescott, Paul B. (2007). Jingji Xue: The History of the Introduction of Western Economic Ideas Into China, 1850-1950. Chinese University Press. pp. 46–48. The foregoing help to demonstrate why Sun Yat-sen would have regarded Henry George as a very credible guide, and why in 1912 Sun could tell an interviewer, 'The teachings of your single-taxer, Henry George, will be the basis of our program of reform.'
  155. Post, Louis Freeland (April 12, 1912). "Sun Yat Sen's Economic Program for China". The Public. 15: 349. Retrieved 8 November 2016. land tax as the only means of supporting the government is an infinitely just, reasonable, and equitably distributed tax, and on it we will found our new system
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  159. Finegold, Kenneth (1995). Experts and politicians : reform challenges to machine politics in New York, Cleveland, and Chicago. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press. ISBN 0691037345.
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  164. Gaynor, William Jay. Some of Mayor Gaynor's Letters and Speeches. New York: Greaves Pub., 1913. 214-21.
  165. "Socialism in England: James Keir Hardie Declares That It Is Capturing That Country.". California Digital Newspaper Collection. San Francisco Call. 25 September 1895. Retrieved 4 November 2014. Hardie states, "I was a very enthusiastic single-taxer for a number of years."
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  200. Mitgang, Herbert (1996). The Man Who Rode the Tiger: The Life and Times of Judge Samuel Seabury. Fordham Univ Press.
  201. Magarey, Susan (1985). Unbridling the tongues of women : a biography of Catherine Helen Spence. Sydney, NSW: Hale & Iremonger. ISBN 0868061492.
  202. Wenzer, Kenneth (1997). An Anthology of Henry George's Thought (Volume 1). University Rochester Press. pp. 87, 243.
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  205. "The Inquisitive Voter". The Great Adventure. 4 (35). September 11, 1920. The proposition of Henry George will do more to lift humanity from the slough of poverty, crime, and misery than all else.
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  211. Steuer, Max (June 2000). "REVIEW ARTICLE A hundred years of town planning and the influence of Ebenezer Howard". The British Journal of Sociology. 51 (2): 377–386. doi:10.1111/j.1468-4446.2000.00377.x. Retrieved 5 August 2014.
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  214. Hubard, Elbert (1907). Little Journeys to the Homes of Great Reformers. East Aurora, New York: The Roycrofters. Retrieved 6 July 2016.
  215. O'Brian, Edward (1918). The best American short stories of 1917 and the yearbook of the American short story. BOSTON SMALL, MAYNARD & COMPANY PUBLISHERS. Retrieved 17 October 2015.
  216. Harrison, F. (May–June 1989). "Aldous Huxley on 'the Land Question'". Land & Liberty. "Huxley redeems himself when he concedes that, if he were to rewrite the book, he would offer a third option, one which he characterised as 'the possibility of sanity.' In a few bold strokes he outlines the elements of this model: 'In this community economics would be decentralist and Henry Georgian, politics Kropotkinesque and co-operative.'"
  217. Kunstler, James Howard (1998). Home from Nowhere: Remaking Our Everyday World For the 21st Century. Simon and Schuster. pp. Chapter 7.
  218. Mace, Elisabeth. "The economic thinking of Jose Marti: Legacy foundation for the integration of America". Retrieved 5 August 2015.
  219. Hudson, Michael. "Speech to the Communist Party of Cuba". Retrieved 5 August 2015.
  220. Lora, Ronald; Longton, William Henry, eds. (1999). The Conservative Press in Twentieth-century America. Greenwood Publishing, Inc. p. 310. "Thus, the Freeman was to speak for the great tradition of classical liberalism, which [Albert Jay Nock and Francis Nielson] were afraid was being lost, and for the economics of Henry George, which both men shared."
  221. Norris, Kathleen. "The Errors of Marxism". Retrieved 21 November 2013.
  222. Sinclair, Upton. "The Consequences of Land Speculation are Tenantry and Debt on the Farms, and Slums and Luxury in the Cities". Retrieved 3 November 2014.Sinclair was an active georgist but eventually gave up on explicitly advocating the reform because, "Our opponents, the great rich bankers and land speculators of California, persuaded the poor man that we were going to put all taxes on this poor man's lot."
  223. Gaffney, Mason. "Excerpts from The Corruption of Economics". Retrieved 3 November 2014.
  224. A Great Iniquity.. Leo Tolstoy once said of George, "People do not argue with the teaching of George, they simply do not know it".
  225. Lebrun, Victor. "Leo Tolstoy and Henry George". Retrieved 9 September 2014.
  226. Starr, Kevin (1997). The dream endures : California enters the 1940s. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0195157974. Wood had "strong leanings toward the single-tax theory of Henry George".
  227. Barnes, Tim. "C.E.S. Wood (1852-1944)". The Oregon Encyclipedia. Retrieved 14 December 2014.
  228. Buckley, William F. Jr. "FIRING LINE: Has New York Let Us Down?" (PDF). PBS, Robert Schalkenbach Foundation. Retrieved 6 November 2014. Buckley says, "The location problem is, of course, easily solved by any Georgist, and I am one."
  229. Perry, Jeffrey (2009). Hubert Harrison the voice of Harlem radicalism, 1883-1918. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 023113911X.
  230. 1 2 Sklar, Dusty. "Henry George and Zionism". Retrieved 28 October 2014.
  231. Kinsley, Michael (Jun 13, 2012). "Inequality: It's Even Worse Than We Thought". Bloomberg. BloombergView. Retrieved 31 October 2014.
  232. Kinsley, Michael. "The Capital-Gains Tax: A Tragedy in Two Acts" (Dec 19, 2012). Retrieved 31 October 2014.Kinsley reiterates that George is his favorite economist and that land taxes are the best source of revenue.
  233. "The Land Question Quotations from Historical and Contemporary Sources". Retrieved 31 October 2014.In The New Republic (February 12, 1992) Kinsley advocates removing all taxes and collecting land rent instead.
  234. Chamberlain, John (1965). Farewell To Reform. Quadrangle Books. pp. 47–48.
  235. Bernstein, David (May 2003). "Lochner's Feminist Legacy". Michigan Law Review. 101 (6). Retrieved 23 December 2014.
  236. Matthews, Dylan (January 7, 2014). "Five conservative reforms millennials should be fighting for". The Washington Post. Wonkblog. Retrieved 26 August 2014.
  237. Dylan Matthews's verified account states, "I think we've both been Georgists for a while now."
  238. Lawson, R (2006). A commonwealth of hope : the New Deal response to crisis. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 0801884063.
  239. Mowry, George (1958). The era of Theodore Roosevelt and the birth of modern America, 1900-1912. New York: Harper & Row. ISBN 978-0061330223. I conceded the voice of ultimate wisdom and saw in Henry George the apostle of a new gospel.
  240. Salam, Reihan (July 15, 2010). "On Property Taxes". Retrieved 19 March 2015.
  241. Traubel, Horace (1896). "Progress and Poverty". The Conservator. 7–9: 252–253. Retrieved 13 December 2015.
  242. Martin Wolf (2010-07-08). "Why we must halt the land cycle". The Financial Times. Retrieved 2013-10-02.
  243. Merryn Somerset Webb (2013-09-27). "How a levy based on location values could be the perfect tax". The Financial Times. Retrieved 2013-10-02.
  245. Smith, Charles Joseph (January–February 1941). "Forty Years of the Struggle for Freedom". Land and Freedom. XLI (1). Retrieved 30 October 2014.
  246. Filler, Louis (1993). The muckrakers. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press.
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  248. Worstall, Tim (2012-12-22). "What Michael Kinsley Gets Wrong About Taxation". Forbes. Retrieved 23 August 2014.
  249. Matthew, Yglesias. "My Five-Point Plan for Fixing Everything". Retrieved 7 November 2013.
  250. "WSJ story on Georgism fails to note that it’s clearly correct"
  251. Wineapple, Brenda. Sister Brother: Gertrude and Leo Stein. Lincoln: U of Nebraska, 2008.
  252. 1 2 Mills, Allen. "Single Tax, Socialism and the Independent Labour Party of Manitoba: The Political Ideas of F.J. Dixon and S.J. Farmer." Labour / Le Travail 5 (1980): 33-56. JSTOR. Web. 04 Dec. 2014. <>
  253. Smith, Carl (2008). Urban Disorder and the Shape of Belief: The Great Chicago Fire, the Haymarket Bomb, and the Model Town of Pullman, Second Edition. University of Chicago Press. p. 359.
  254. Muse return with new album The Resistance "Sure, he has already launched into a passionate soliloquy about Geoism (the land-tax movement inspired by the 19th-century political economist Henry George)".
  255. Co-founder of the Henry George Club, Australia.
  256. Williams, Karl. "Walter Burley Griffin". Retrieved 1 October 2013.
  257. "Henry George, our hero in the battle for the right (Songs of the Hutchinsons)". Retrieved 17 November 2013.
  258. "George Inness (1825–1894)". The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Retrieved 27 August 2014.
  259. Schor, Esther (2006). Emma Lazarus. Random House. Author of "The New Colossus", on the Statue of Liberty, and the poem "Progress and Poverty", named after George's book, of which she said, “The life and thought of no one capable of understanding it can be quite the same after reading it.”
  260. Peseroff, Joyce (March–April 2007). "Emma Lazarus". Tikkun. 22 (2). Retrieved 20 December 2014. Lazarus "supported Henry George's single tax".
  261. Schwartzman, Jack. "A Remembrance of Anna George de Mille and Agnes de Mille". Retrieved 17 November 2013.
  262. Eyman, Scott (2010). Empire of Dreams: The Epic Life of Cecil B. DeMille. Simon and Schuster. pp. 29, 47.
  263. Easton, Carol (1996). No Intermissions The Life of Agnes de Mille. Da Capo Press.
  264. Louvish, Simon (2008). Cecil B. DeMille: A Life in Art. Macmillan. pp. 40, 249.
  265. Eyman, Scott (2010). Empire of Dreams: The Epic Life of Cecil B. DeMille. Simon and Schuster. p. 314.
  266. "Henry George, The Scholar" – A Commencement Address Delivered by Francis Neilson at the Henry George School of Social Science, June 3, 1940.
  267. Neilson, Francis (September 1939). "Albert Jay Nock on Henry George – Truth Sets Men Free". The Freeman. Retrieved 1 October 2013.
  268. McQueen, Humphrey. A New Britannia. St. Lucia, Qld.: U of Queensland, 2004.
  269. Mills, Benjamin Fay (1911). "Louis Prang, Popularizer of Art". Vocations, Vocational guidance, Hall & Locke Company. 10: 254. Retrieved 13 December 2015.
  270. Taylor, Mark (2010). Arden. Arcadia Publishing. p. 8.
  271. Shields, Jerry. "Forgotten Writings of Arden's Frank Stephens". Collecting Delaware Books.
  272. "Frank Lloyd Wright on Henry George's Remedy". Retrieved 2012-07-26.
  273. Carlson, Allan. The New Agrarian Mind: The Movement Toward Decentralist Thought in Twentieth-Century America Transaction Publishers, 2004 (p. 51).
  274. Silagi, M., & Faulkner, S. (1993). Henry George and Europe: Early Efforts to Organize Germany's Land Reformers Failed, but the Pioneers Won a National Demonstration. The American Journal of Economics and Sociology, 52(1), 119-127. Retrieved from Quote: "The meeting was chaired by the materialist philosopher Ludwig Biichner. He was an admirer of Henry George and had been won over to the [land reform] movement by Fliirscheim."
  275. Buttenheim, Harold S. (March 1934). "The Relation of Housing to Taxation". Law and Contemporary Problems. 1, No. 2 (Low-Cost Housing and Slum Clearance: A Symposium): 198–205. doi:10.2307/1189565. Retrieved 23 October 2013.
  276. Butler, Nicholas. "Progress and Poverty" (PDF). Commencement Speech, Columbia University (1931). Retrieved 23 October 2013.
  277. "Frank Chodorov". Retrieved 30 November 2013.
  278. "Frank Chodorov". Retrieved 30 November 2013.
  279. Daly, Herman (1994). For the Common Good: Redirecting the Economy Toward Community, the Environment, and a Sustainable Future. Beacon Press. pp. 258–259, 328–329.
  281. Onken, Werner. "The Political Economy of Silvio Gesell: A Century of Activism." American Journal of Economics and Sociology 59.4 (2000): 609-22. Web. 16 Aug. 2014.
  282. "The Life of Leon MacLaren". Retrieved 25 January 2014.
  283. "The School of Economic Science". Retrieved 25 January 2014.
  284. Van Parijs, Philippe (1992). Introduction to Arguing for Basic Income (PDF). London: Verso. pp. 3–43.
  285. Sterba, James P. (2013). From Rationality to Equality. Oxford University Press. p. 193.
  286. Bertrand Russell (1992). The Basic Writings of Bertrand Russell, 1903–1959. Psychology Press. p. 492.
  287. Bertrand Russell (1962). Freedom versus Organization. W. W. Norton & Company.
  288. Letter addressed to a Mr. Krumreig
  289. Vallentyne, Peter. Left-libertarianism: A Primer. In Vallentyne, Peter; Steiner, Hillel (2000). "Left-libertarianism and Its Critics: The Contemporary Debate". Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Publishers Ltd. "Georgist libertarians—such as eponymous George (1879, 1892), Steiner (1977, 1980, 1981, 1992, 1994), and Tideman (1991, 1997, 1998)—hold that agents may appropriate unappropriated natural resources as long as they pay for the competitive value of the rights they claim."
  290. Babson, Roger (Aug 20, 1943). "Roger Babson Sees Many Changes To Come After the War Has Ended". The Evening Independent. Retrieved 22 August 2014.
  291. Brandeis, Louis (1971). Letters of Louis D. Brandeis: Vol. 1. p. 82.
  292. "101+ Famous Thinkers on Owning Earth". Retrieved 22 October 2013. Brandeis said, "I find it very difficult to disagree with the principles of Henry George... I believe in the taxation of land values only."
  293. How to Abolish Unfair Taxation: An Address Before a Los Angeles Audience, Delivered March 1913
  294. Darrow, Clarence. "The Land Belongs To The People" (PDF). Everyman. Retrieved 3 August 2014.
  295. "The Centre for Incentive Taxation". 20 (4). August 1994. Darrow replied about Georgism, "Well, you either come to it or go broke."
  296. Two lettrs written in 1934 to Henry George's daughter, Anna George De Mille. In one letter Einstein writes, "The spreading of these works is a really deserving cause, for our generation especially has many and important things to learn from Henry George."
  297. Elazar, Daniel (February 4, 1955). "Earth Is the Lord's". The Wisconsin Jewish Chronicle. Retrieved 23 November 2014.
  298. Wilhelm, Donald (September 5, 1942). "Henry Ford Talks About War and Your Future". Liberty Magazine. Retrieved 23 November 2014. Henry Ford says, "[. . .]every American family can have a piece of land. We ought to tax all idle land the way Henry George said — tax it heavily, so that its owners would have to make it productive"
  299. MacCallum, Spencer H. (Summer–Fall 1997). "The Alternative Georgist Tradition" (PDF). Fragments. 35. Retrieved 30 October 2014.
  300. Foldvary, Fred E. (April 2004). "Heath: Estranged Georgist". American Journal of Economics and Sociology. 63 (2): 411–431. doi:10.1111/j.0002-9246.2004.00295.x. Retrieved 30 October 2014.
  301. Justice for Mumia Abu-Jamal Archived August 6, 2007, at the Wayback Machine.
  302. Kennedy, Margrit. "Money & The Land Grab". YouTube. Share the Rents. Retrieved 12 December 2013.
  303. Lincoln, John. "Fighting For Fundamentals". Retrieved 5 December 2013.
  304. Magie invented The Landlord's Game, predecessor to Monopoly
  305. Dodson, Edward J. "How Henry George's Principles Were Corrupted Into the Game Called Monopoly". Retrieved 1 October 2013.
  306. Gaffney, Mason. "Henry George Dr. Edward McGlynn & Pope Leo XIII" (PDF). Retrieved 25 January 2014.
  307. "OFFERS $250,000 FOR SINGLE TAX CAMPAIGN; Joseph Fels Pledges That Sum for Five Years Here and in England. IF THERE IS AN EQUAL FUND Commission of Single Taxers Formed to Raise the Fund -- Roosevelt, Taft, and Hughes Said to be Friendly.". New York Times. May 8, 1909. Retrieved 30 October 2014.
  308. Post, Louis F. The Prophet of San Francisco: Personal Memories & Interpretations of Henry George. The Minerva Group.
  309. Thomas B. Buell (1974). The Quiet Warrior. Boston: Little, Brown.
  310. "American Single Taxers Invade Tiny Andorra; Fiske Warren Carries Their Gospel to the Republic Hidden for Twelve Centuries in the Pyrenees Between France and Spain". New York Times. April 16, 1916. Retrieved 9 December 2013.
  311. Sinclair, Upton. "The Consequences of Land Speculation are Tenantry and Debt on the Farms, and Slums and Luxury in the Cities". Retrieved 29 July 2014.
  312. Stanley, Buder (1990). Visionaries and Planners: The Garden City Movement and the Modern Community. Oxford University Press. Wallace described Progress and Poverty as “Undoubtedly the most remarkable and important book of the present century.”
  313. Dudden, Arthur (1971). Joseph Fels and the single tax movement. Temple University Press.

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