This article is about the Roman emperor. For the WW II glider see Waco CG-4, other people of this name and its derivations, see Adrian (disambiguation).

Marble bust of Hadrian at the Palazzo dei Conservatori, Capitoline Museums.
14th Emperor of the Roman Empire
Reign 10 August 117 – 10 July 138
Predecessor Trajan
Successor Antoninus Pius
Born (76-01-24)24 January 76
Italica, Hispania[1] (uncertain)
Died 10 July 138(138-07-10) (aged 62)
Burial 1) Puteoli
2) Gardens of Domitia
3) Hadrian's Mausoleum (Rome)
Spouse Vibia Sabina
Issue Lucius Aelius,
Antoninus Pius
(both adoptive)
Full name
Publius Aelius Hadrianus
(from birth to adoption and accession);
Caesar Publius Aelius Traianus Hadrianus Augustus (as emperor)
Dynasty Nervan-Antonine
Father Publius Aelius Hadrianus Afer
Mother Domitia Paulina
Roman imperial dynasties
Nervo-Trajanic Dynasty
   Natural - (none)
   Adoptive - Trajan
   Natural - (none)
   Adoptive - Hadrian
   Natural - (none)
   Adoptive - Lucius Aelius
   Adoptive - Antoninus Pius

Hadrian (/ˈhdriən/; Latin: Publius Aelius Hadrianus Augustus;[note 1][2][note 2] 24 January 76 – 10 July 138) was Roman emperor from 117 to 138. Hadrian is known for building Hadrian's Wall, which marked the northern limit of Britannia. He also rebuilt the Pantheon and constructed the Temple of Venus and Roma. Philhellene in most of his tastes, he is considered by some to have been a humanist, and he is regarded as the third of the Five Good Emperors.

Hadrian was born Publius Aelius Hadrianus into a Hispano-Roman family. Although Italica near Santiponce (in modern-day Spain) is often considered his birthplace, his actual place of birth remains uncertain. However, it is generally accepted that he came from a family with centuries-old roots in Hispania.[1][3] His predecessor, Trajan, was a maternal cousin of Hadrian's father.[4] Trajan did not officially designate an heir, but according to his wife Pompeia Plotina, Trajan named Hadrian emperor immediately before his death. Trajan's wife and his friend Licinius Sura were well-disposed towards Hadrian, and he may well have owed his succession to them.[5]

During his reign, Hadrian travelled to nearly every province of the Empire. An ardent admirer of Greece, he sought to make Athens the cultural capital of the Empire and ordered the construction of many opulent temples in the city. He used his relationship with his Greek lover Antinous to underline his philhellenism and led to the creation of one of the most popular cults of ancient times. He spent extensive amounts of time with the military; he usually wore military attire and even dined and slept amongst the soldiers. He ordered military training and drilling to be more rigorous and even made use of false reports of attack to keep the army alert.

Upon his accession to the throne, Hadrian withdrew from Trajan's conquests in Mesopotamia and Armenia, and even considered abandoning Dacia. Late in his reign he suppressed the Bar Kokhba revolt in Judaea, renaming the province Syria Palaestina. In 136 an ailing Hadrian adopted Lucius Aelius as his heir, but the latter died suddenly two years later. In 138 Hadrian resolved to adopt Antoninus Pius if he would in turn adopt Marcus Aurelius and Aelius's son Lucius Verus as his own eventual successors. Antoninus agreed, and soon afterward Hadrian died at Baiae.[6]


As is the case with his predecessor, Trajan, we lack a continuous account of the political history of Hadrian's reign. What we have in the way of such an account, as on Trajan's reign, is Book 69 of the work Roman History by Cassius Dio. Dio's original text of this particular book is lost; what survives is a brief, much later, Byzantine era abridgment by the 11th century monk Xiphilinius, who made a selection from Dio's account of Hadrian's reign based on his mostly religious interests, covering the Bar Kokhba war relatively fully to the exclusion of much else. Hadrian is the first imperial biography of the Historia Augusta, but the notorious unreliability of that work ("a mish mash of actual fact, cloak and dagger, sword and sandal, with a sprinkling of Ubu Roi)[7] does not allow its use as a source without care. Hadrian's biography is generally considered to be relatively free of fictional additions.[8] Contemporary Greek authors such as Philostratus and Pausanias, who wrote shortly after Hadrian's reign, offer information on Hadrian's relations with the provincial Greek world, and Fronto, in his Latin correspondence, sheds some light on the general character of the reign's internal policies.[9] As in the case of Trajan, using epigraphical, numismatic, archaeological and other non-literary sources is absolutely necessary in tracing a detailed historical account.

Early life

Hadrian was born Publius Aelius Hadrianus in either Italica[10] or Rome,[11] from a well-established Roman family with centuries-old roots in Italica, Hispania Baetica (the republican Hispania Ulterior), near the present-day location of Seville, Spain. Although it was an accepted part of Hadrian's personal history that he was born in Spain, his Historia Augusta biography states that he was born in Rome on 24 January 76, of an ethnically Hispanic with vague paternal links to Italy. However, this may be a complimentary fiction coined in order to make Hadrian appear as a natural-born Roman instead of a provincial, since his parents, grandparents, and great-grandparents were all born and raised in Hispania.[12]

His father was Publius Aelius Hadrianus Afer, who as a senator of praetorian rank would spend much of his time in Rome, away from his homeland of Hispania.[13] Hadrian's known paternal ancestry can be partially linked to a family from Hadria, modern Atri, an ancient town of Picenum in Italy. This family had settled in Italica in Hispania Baetica soon after its founding by Scipio Africanus several centuries before Hadrian's birth. His father Afer, was a paternal cousin of the future Emperor Trajan. Both Afer and Trajan were born and raised in Hispania. His mother was Domitia Paulina, who came from Gades (Cádiz). Paulina was a daughter of a distinguished Hispano-Roman senatorial family.[14] His paternal great-grandmother is of unknown origin, which means that the exact amount of his paternal ancestry that can actually be linked to Italy (outside of nonspecific claims of forebears from Picenum from centuries earlier) is ultimately unknown.

Hadrian's elder sister and only sibling was Aelia Domitia Paulina, married with the triple consul Lucius Julius Ursus Servianus, his niece was Julia Serviana Paulina, and his great-nephew was Gnaeus Pedanius Fuscus Salinator, from Barcino (Barcelona). His parents died in 86 when Hadrian was ten, and the boy then became a ward of both Trajan and Publius Acilius Attianus (who was later Trajan's Praetorian Prefect).[15] Hadrian was schooled in various subjects particular to young aristocrats of the day, and was so fond of learning Greek literature that he was nicknamed Graeculus ("Greekling").

Hadrian visited Italica when (or never left it until) he was 14 years old, when he was recalled by Trajan, who thereafter looked after his development. He never returned to Italica although it was later made a colonia in his honour.[16]

Public service

After his start at the vigintivirate (the minor posts whose holding qualified one for the senatorial cursus), Hadrian's first military service was as a tribune of the Legio II Adiutrix. Exceptionally, he held a second tribunate when he was afterwards transferred to Legio V Macedonica and in such a capacity was chosen to inform Trajan of his adoption by Nerva. He was then retained in Germany  presumably on Trajan's orders  and was transferred to hold an even more exceptional third tribunate in Legio XXII Primigenia. The fact that he had three spells of military service  instead of just one or two, as was customary to the regular senator  points to a thorough military career[17] and gave Hadrian an advantage, in terms of military expertise, over most scions from older senatorial families.[18] When Nerva died in 98, Hadrian rushed to inform Trajan personally, coming in advance of the official envoy sent by the governor, Hadrian's brother-in-law and rival Lucius Julius Ursus Servianus – but this may be a fiction coined by Hadrian himself.[19]

In 101 Hadrian began his senatorial career by being chosen quaestor, being charged with the task of reading Trajan's speeches to the Senate  and possibly composing them himself. Next, he was ab actis senatus, charged with the task of keeping the Senate's record of its proceedings.[20] Next, he was created Tribune of the Plebs. From then on he began to be surrounded by stories about omens and portents that supposedly announced his future imperial condition.[21] According to the Historia Augusta, Hadrian had a great interest in astrology and divination and had been announced his future accession to the Empire by a grand-uncle who was himself a skilled astrologer.[22] It is also noteworthy, however, that Trajan did not make Hadrian a Patrician, so as to allow him to become consul earlier, without having to hold the office of tribune.[23]

A relief scene on Trajan's Column in Rome, 2nd-century monument attributed to Apollodorus of Damascus (monochrome graphics by Conrad Cichorius), showing a Roman legion storming a Dacian fortress during Trajan's Dacian Wars

During the First Dacian War, Hadrian was a member of Trajan's personal entourage, being excused from his military post in order to take office in Rome as tribune of the plebs. During the Second Dacian War, he was also relieved early from Trajan's personal attendance, becoming legate of a legion  Legio I Minervia  and afterwards governor of Lower Pannonia.[24] Therefore, if Hadrian had received the signal honour of assuming the tribunate of the plebs a year earlier than was customary, at the same time he departed early from both Dacian campaigns  a sign that Trajan wanted to have him out of his way.[25]

It was at this time that he married Trajan's grandniece, Vibia Sabina, in a move that seems to have been conceived by the empress Plotina, on whose favour he always counted. Also, he counted on the support of the bride's mother, Trajan's niece Salonina Matidia,[26] daughter of Trajan's sister Ulpia Marciana. However, Trajan seemed to be far less enthusiastic. The subsequent relationship between Hadrian and Sabina was exceptionally and scandalously poor, even for a marriage of convenience.[27] Also, Hadrian was at the time involved in some unexplained quarrel told in Historia Augusta around his relationships with Trajan's boy favourites,[28] whom he had supposedly tried to groom.[29] All these circumstances might explain the downturn experienced by Hadrian's fortunes late during Trajan's reign. Hadrian failed to achieve the honour of a regular consulate before his own reign, being only suffect consul for 108.[30] As much as Trajan surely actively promoted Hadrian's advancement, at the same time he did it in a very measured, careful way.[31]

Bust of Emperor Trajan wearing the civic crown and the aegis, symbol of divine power and world domination, Glyptothek, Munich

Nevertheless, when Sabina's grandmother Ulpia Marciana died between 112 and 114, she was deified by the Senate and her daughter Salonina Matidia made a "princess of the blood", an Augusta. This made Hadrian, late during Trajan's reign, the first senator in history to have an Augusta as his mother-in-law, something that his contemporaries could not fail to notice.[32]

It was at that time, in his mid-twenties, that Hadrian travelled to Greece, where he attended the lectures of the Stoic philosopher Epictetus, at the time living in the city of Nicopolis.[33] He was also eponymous archon in Athens for a brief time, and was elected an Athenian citizen.[34] The Athenians awarded Hadrian a statue with an inscription in the Theater of Dionysus offering a detailed account of his cursus honorum, which confirms and expands the one in Historia Augusta.[35] Hadrian's career before Trajan's death was a regular one for a high ranking Roman senator, but without any particular distinction befitting an heir designate.[36] After the 112 Athenian archontate, we hear no more of Hadrian before Trajan's Parthian War, and it is possible that he remained in Greece until being summoned into the imperial retinue.[24]

His career before becoming emperor, as attested epigraphically in the Athens inscription, follows:

and afterwards

Hadrian was involved in the wars against the Dacians (as legate of the V Macedonica) and reputedly won awards from Trajan for his successes. Hadrian's military skill is not well-attested due to a lack of military action during his reign; however, his keen interest in, and knowledge of, the army and his demonstrated skill of leadership show possible strategic talent.

A denarius of Hadrian issued in 119 AD for his third consulship

Hadrian joined Trajan's expedition against Parthia as a legate on Trajan's staff.[38] Neither during the first victorious phase, nor during the second phase of the war when rebellion swept Mesopotamia did Hadrian do anything of note. However, when the governor of Syria had to be sent to sort out renewed troubles in Dacia, Hadrian was appointed as a replacement, giving him an independent command.[39]

Trajan, seriously ill by that time, decided to return to Rome while Hadrian remained in Syria to guard the Roman rear. In practical terms, that meant that Hadrian was de facto general commander of the Eastern Roman army, something that made his power position as a potential claimant to the throne unchallengeable.[40] Trajan only got as far as Selinus before he became too ill to go further. While Hadrian may have been the obvious choice as successor, he had never been adopted as Trajan's heir. It is possible that Trajan never wanted to commit himself earlier with the appointment of a successor, as the great number of potential claimants made it possible that the definite choice of an heir would be seen as an abdication and therefore dash the chance for a transmission of power in an orderly way.[41]

As Trajan lay dying, nursed by his wife, Plotina, and closely watched by Prefect Attianus, he could at last have adopted Hadrian as heir. Since the document was signed by Plotina, it has been suggested that Trajan may have already been dead.[42] In a telltale sign, it has been discovered that Trajan's young manservant Phaedimus died in his late twenties a few days after Trajan's passing away, in Selinus, and that his body was interred in Rome only twelve years later. As Phaedimus was probably very close to Trajan, perhaps he was killed (or killed himself) for fear of his being posed awkward questions.[43]

Emperor (117)

Securing power

The Roman Empire in 125, under the rule of Hadrian
Castel Sant'Angelo, the ancient Hadrian Mausoleum
This famous statue of Hadrian in Greek dress was revealed in 2008 to have been forged in the Victorian era by cobbling together a head of Hadrian and an unknown body. For years, the statue had been used by historians as proof of Hadrian's love of Hellenic culture.[44]

Even if Trajan's adoption of Hadrian was genuine, it came too late to keep other potential claimants from having wrong ideas.[45] Therefore, Hadrian had to act on his own to secure his newly won position.

Hadrian quickly secured the support of the legions – one potential opponent, the Moorish prince and outstanding general Lusius Quietus, was promptly dismissed:[46] by taking from Quietus his personal guard of Moorish auxiliaries, Hadrian could afterwards safely relieve him from his post as governor of Judea.[47] The Senate's endorsement followed when possibly falsified papers of adoption from Trajan were presented. According to these papers, Hadrian had been adopted in absentia on 9 August 117 (Trajan having died on 8 August), which was technically irregular, as the two parties concerned were required to be present at the ceremony. The rumour of a falsified document of adoption carried little weight, as Hadrian's legitimacy arose from the endorsement of the Senate – and above all from the support of the Syrian armies.[48] Nevertheless, various public ceremonies were organized – Egyptian papyri tell of one organized between 117 and 118 CE – extolling the fact that Hadrian had been divinely chosen by his deified father and by the gods themselves.[49]

Statue of Hadrian unearthed at Tel Shalem commemorating Roman military victory over Bar Kochba, displayed at the Israel Museum

Hadrian did not at first go to Rome – he was busy sorting out the East and suppressing the Jewish revolt that had broken out under Trajan, then moving on to sort out the Danube frontier. Instead, Attianus, Hadrian's former guardian, was put in charge in Rome. There he "discovered" a conspiracy involving four leading Senators including Lusius Quietus and demanded of the Senate their deaths.[50]

There was no question of a public trial – they were hunted down and killed out of hand. Because Hadrian was not in Rome at the time, he was able to claim that Attianus had acted on his own initiative. According to Elizabeth Speller, the real reason for their deaths was that they were Trajan's men.[50] Or better, the reason for their elimination is simply that all four were prominent senators of consular rank and, as such, prospective candidates for the imperial office (capaces imperii).[51] Also, the four consulars were the chiefs of a war hawk group of senators that was committed to Trajan's expansionist policies, which Hadrian intended to change.[52] The consistent refusal of Hadrian to expand frontiers was to remain a bone of contention between him and the Senate throughout his reign.[53]

Hadrian's instrument for getting rid of the four consulars, Prefect Attianus, was made a senator and promoted to consular rank, being afterwards discarded by Hadrian, who suspected his personal ambition. It is probable that Attianus was executed (or was already dead) by the end of Hadrian's reign.[54] The four consulars episode, however, was to strain Hadrian's relations with the Senate for his entire reign.[55] This tense relationship – and Hadrian's authoritarian stance towards the Senate – was acknowledged one generation later by Fronto, himself a senator, who wrote in one of his letters to Marcus Aurelius that "I praised the deified Hadrian, your grandfather, in the senate on a number of occasions with great enthusiasm, and I did this willingly, too [...] But, if it can be said – respectfully acknowledging your devotion towards your grandfather – I wanted to appease and assuage Hadrian as I would Mars Gradivus or Dis Pater, rather than to love him".[56] The strain in the relationship between Hadrian and the Senate, however, never took the form of an overt confrontation, as had happened during the reigns of other previous "bad" emperors: Hadrian knew how to remain aloof in order to avoid an open clash.[57] The Senate's political role, however, was effaced behind Hadrian's personal rule (in Ronald Syme's view, Hadrian "was a Führer, a Duce, a Caudillo").[58] The fact that Hadrian was to spend half of his reign away from Rome in constant travel undoubtedly helped the management of this strained relationship.[59] Hadrian, however, underscored the autocratic character of his reign by counting the day of his acclamation by the armies as his dies imperiii and by enforcing new laws through imperial decree (as constitution) instead of having them approved by the Senate as a formality.[60]

Hadrian and the military

Bust of Emperor Hadrian. Roman 117-138 CE. Probably From Rome, Italy. Formerly in the Townley Collection. Now housed in the British Museum, London

Despite his own great reputation as a military administrator, Hadrian's reign was marked by a general lack of documented major military conflicts, apart from the Second Roman–Jewish War. However, disturbances on the Danubian frontier early in the reign led to the killing of the governor of Dacia, Caius Julius Quadratus Bassus, to which Hadrian responded by placing the then equestrian governor of Mauretania Caesariensis, Q. Marcius Turbo, who had a long record of distinguished military service, as joint governor of Dacia and Pannonia Inferior with the powers of a Prefect.[61] Shortly after, it was decided by Hadrian that all the part of Dacia that had been added to the province of Moesia Inferior – that is, present-day Southern Moldavia and the Wallachian Plain[62] – was to be surrendered to the Roxolani Sarmatians, whose king Rasparaganus received Roman citizenship, client king status – and possibly an increased subsidy. The Roman partial withdrawal was probably supervised by the governor of Moesia Quintus Pompeius Falco.[63] The presence of Hadrian on the Dacian front at this juncture, implied by the always unreliable Historia Augusta, is merely conjectural. Hadrian did not visit Dacia in the course of his subsequent travels, but nevertheless included it into his subsequent monetary series of coins with allegories of the provinces. The notion that he contemplated the idea of withdrawing from Dacia altogether, as stated by Eutropius, appears, therefore, as unfounded.[64]

Hadrian had already surrendered Trajan's conquests in Mesopotamia, considering them to be indefensible. In the East, Hadrian contented himself with retaining suzerainty over Osroene, which was ruled by the client king Parthamaspates, once client king of Parthia under Trajan.[65] There was almost a new war with Parthia around 121, but the threat was averted when Hadrian succeeded in negotiating a peace. Late in the reign (135), an invasion of the Alani in Capadocia, covertly supported by the king of Caucasian Iberia Pharasmanes, was successful repulsed by Hadrian's governor, the historian Arrian[66] – a Greek intellectual and fellow student of Epictetus who had been appointed to the Senate by Hadrian and ruled Capadocia as imperial legate between 131 and 137.[67] After defeating the Alans, Arrian subsequently installed a Roman "adviser" in Iberia.[68]

This abandonment of an aggressive policy was something for which the Senate and its historians never forgave Hadrian: the fourth century historian Aurelius Victor charged him with being jealous of Trajan's exploits and deliberately trying to downplay their worthiness: Traiani gloriae invidens.[69] It is more probable that Hadrian simply considered that the financial strain to be incurred in keeping on a policy of conquests was something the Roman Empire could not afford: proof to it is the disappearance during his reigns of two entire legions: Legio XXII Deiotariana and the famous "lost legion" IX Hispania, possibly destroyed during a late Trajanic uprising by the Brigantes in Britain.[70] Also, the acknowledgement of the indefensible character of the Mesopotamian conquests had perhaps already been made by Trajan himself, who had disengaged from them at the time of his death.[71]

The peace policy was strengthened by the erection of permanent fortifications along the empire's borders (limites, sl. limes). The most famous of these is the massive Hadrian's Wall in Great Britain, built on stone and doubled on its rear by a ditch (Vallum Hadriani), which marked the boundary between a strictly military zone and the province.[72] The Danube and Rhine borders were strengthened with a series of mostly wooden fortifications, forts, outposts and watchtowers, the latter specifically improving communications and local area security. These defensive activities, however, generated very few literary records: the information that it was Hadrian who built the Wall in Britain can only be found, in the entire corpus of ancient authors, in his Historia Augusta biography.[73] But then, Hadrian's military activities were, in a certain measure, ideological, in that they emphasized a community of interests between all peoples living within the Roman Empire, instead a hegemony of conquest centered on the city of Rome and its Senate.[74]

To maintain morale and prevent the troops from becoming restive, Hadrian established intensive drill routines, and personally inspected the armies. Although his coins showed military images almost as often as peaceful ones, Hadrian's policy was peace through strength, even threat,[75] with an emphasis on disciplina (discipline), which was the subject of two monetary series. This emphasis on spit and polish was heartily praised by Cassius Dio, who saw it as a useful deterrent and therefore the cause of the general peaceful character of Hadrian's reign.[76] Fronto, however, expressed other opinions on the subject: in his view, Hadrian liked to play war games and enjoyed "giving eloquent speeches to the armies" – like the series of addresses, inscribed on a column, that he made while on an inspection tour during 128 at the new headquarters of Legio III Augusta in Lambaesis[77] – rather than actual warfare.[78] In general, Fronto was very critical of Hadrian's pacifist policy, charging it with the decline in military standards of the Roman army of his own time.[79] It was, however, Hadrian who at least systematized the employment of the numeri – ethnic non-citizen troops with special weapons, such as Eastern mounted archers – in low-intensity defensive tasks such as dealing with infiltrators and skirmishers.[80] Using the numeri was an economic way to avoid frequent deployment of the legions, which suffered from a dearth of recruits from Italy as well as from the more Romanized provinces.[81] Hadrian is also credited with the introduction of units of cataphracts into the Roman army.[82]

Cultural pursuits and patronage

Hadrian on the obverse of an aureus

Hadrian has been described, firstly in an ancient anonymous source later echoed by Ronald Syme, among others, as the most versatile of all the Roman Emperors (varius multiplex multiformis).[83] He also liked to demonstrate knowledge of all intellectual and artistic fields. Above all, Hadrian patronized the arts: Hadrian's Villa at Tibur (Tivoli) was the greatest Roman example of an Alexandrian garden, recreating a sacred landscape, albeit lost in large part to the despoliation of the ruins by the Cardinal d'Este, who had much of the marble removed to build Villa d'Este. In Rome, the Pantheon, originally built by Agrippa but destroyed by fire in 80, was rebuilt under Hadrian (working on a blueprint left by Trajan: see below) in the domed form it retains to this day. It is among the best-preserved of Rome's ancient buildings and was highly influential to many of the great architects of the Italian Renaissance and Baroque periods.

From well before his reign, Hadrian displayed a keen interest in architecture, but it seems that his eagerness was not always well received. For example, Apollodorus of Damascus, famed architect of the Forum of Trajan, dismissed his designs. When Trajan, predecessor to Hadrian, consulted Apollodorus about an architectural problem, Hadrian interrupted to give advice, to which Apollodorus replied, "Go away and draw your pumpkins. You know nothing about these problems." "Pumpkins" refers to Hadrian's drawings of domes like the Serapeum in his villa. The historian Cassius Dio wrote that, once Hadrian succeeded Trajan to become emperor, he had Apollodorus exiled and later put to death. The story, however, is problematical – archaeological evidence (brickstamps with consular dates) has demonstrated, e.g., that the Pantheon's dome was already under construction late in Trajan's reign (115) and probably under Apollodorus's sponsorship.[84]

Hadrian wrote poetry in both Latin and Greek; one of the few surviving examples is a Latin poem he reportedly composed on his deathbed (see below). Some of his Greek productions found their way into the Palatine Anthology.[85][86] He also wrote an autobiography, which Historia Augusta says was published under the name of Hadrian's freedman Phlegon of Tralles. It was not, apparently, a work of great length or revelation, but designed to scotch various rumours or explain Hadrian's most controversial actions.[87] It is possible that this autobiography had the form of a series of open letters to Antoninus Pius.[88]

Hadrian was a passionate hunter from the time of his youth, according to one source.[89] In northwest Asia, he founded and dedicated a city to commemorate a she-bear he killed.[90] It is documented that in Egypt he and his beloved Antinous killed a lion.[90] In Rome, eight reliefs featuring Hadrian in different stages of hunting decorate a building that began as a monument celebrating a kill.[90]

Colossal portrait bust of the emperor Hadrian with a wreath of oak leaves (AD 117-138); pentelic marble, found in Athens, National Archaeological Museum, Athens

Another of Hadrian's contributions to "popular" culture (in fact the generalized mores of the imperial elites) was the beard, which symbolised his philhellenism:[91] Dio of Prusa had equated the generalized using of the beard with Hellenic ethos.[92] Since the time of Scipio Africanus it had been fashionable among the Romans to be clean-shaven. Also, all Roman emperors before Hadrian, except for Nero (also a great admirer of Greek culture), were clean shaven. Most of the emperors after Hadrian would be portrayed with beards. Their beards, however, were not worn out of an appreciation for Greek culture but because the beard had, thanks to Hadrian, become fashionable. This new fashion lasted until the reign of Constantine the Great[93] and was revived again by Phocas at the start of the 7th century.[94] Notwithstanding his philhellenism, however, in all other everyday life matters Hadrian behaved as a Roman civic traditionalist, who demanded the use of the toga by senators and knights in public and strict separation between the sexes in the public baths and theaters.[95]

As a cultural Hellenophile Hadrian was familiar with the work of the philosophers Epictetus, Heliodorus and Favorinus. At home he attended to social needs. Hadrian mitigated slavery: masters were forbidden from killing their slaves unless allowed by a court to punish them for a grave offense.[96] Masters were forbidden to sell slaves to a gladiator trainer (lanista) or to a procurer, except as justified punishment.[97] Hadrian also had the legal code humanized and forbade torture of free defendants and witnesses, legislating against the common practice of condemning free persons in order to have them tortured as a means of gathering information on their supposed activities and accomplices.[98] He also abolished ergastula, private prisons for slaves in which kidnapped free men could also be kept.[99]

However, Hadrian's humanitarian views had a limit, namely, the existence of slavery itself: confronted with a crowd that demanded the freeing of a popular slave charioteer, he replied that he could not free a slave belonging to another person.[100] Also, Hadrian at least once personally engaged in cruelty toward a slave: in a fit of rage, he stabbed the eye of one of his secretaries with a pen.[101]

He built libraries, aqueducts, baths and theaters. Hadrian is considered by many historians to have been wise and just: Schiller called him "the Empire's first servant", and British historian Edward Gibbon admired his "vast and active genius", as well as his "equity and moderation". In 1776, he stated that Hadrian's era was part of the "happiest era of human history".

While visiting Greece in 131–132, Hadrian attempted to create a kind of provincial parliament to bind all the semi-autonomous former city states across all Greece and Ionia (in Asia Minor). This parliament, known as the Panhellenion, is generally conceived as a failed, albeit spirited, effort to foster cooperation among the Hellenes. However, as the German sociologist Georg Simmel remarked, the aim of the Panhellenion was probably to render Hellenism inert: to divert the feeling of a common Hellenic identity towards ideal purposes: "games, commemorations, preservation of an ideal, an entirely non-political Hellenism".[102]

Hadrian died at his villa in Baiae. He was buried in a mausoleum on the western bank of the Tiber, in Rome, a building later transformed into a papal fortress, Castel Sant'Angelo. The dimensions of his mausoleum, in its original form, were deliberately designed to be slightly larger than the earlier Mausoleum of Augustus.

According to Cassius Dio, a gigantic equestrian statue was erected to Hadrian after his death. "It was so large that the bulkiest man could walk through the eye of each horse, yet because of the extreme height of the foundation persons passing along on the ground below believe that the horses themselves as well as Hadrian are very very small." This may refer to the huge statuary group placed atop the mausoleum, which disappeared at some later time, depicting Hadrian driving a four-horse quadriga chariot.

Hadrian's travels


Statue of Hadrian in military garb, wearing the civic crown and muscle cuirass, from Antalya, Turkey

The most distinctive aspect of Hadrian's reign was the fact that the Emperor was to spend more than half of it outside of Italy and engaged in peaceful pursuits. Obviously, other emperors had often left Rome for long periods, but then mostly to go to war, returning soon after conflicts concluded. A previous emperor, Nero, once travelled through Greece and was condemned for his self-indulgence. According to modern historians such as Paul Veyne, what Hadrian intended by his incessant travelling was what Nero had failed to achieve: to break with the sedentary (casanière) tradition of previous emperors, who saw the Empire as a purely Roman hegemony; instead, Hadrian sought to make his subjects feel part of a commonwealth of civilized peoples, sharing a common Hellenic culture.[103] That is why Hadrian, in a speech to the Senate preserved by Aulus Gellius, supported the creation of new municipia, autonomous urban communities with their own customs and laws, over the creation of new colonies, urban communities with a standard Roman constitution.[104]

All this did not go well with Roman traditionalism: as far as the Historia Augusta portrays traditional ideology, Hadrian was regarded by its author as "a little too much Greek", far more cosmopolitan than it was thought fit for a Roman emperor.[105] The significance of Hadrian's travels as a means of stressing the cosmopolitan, ecumenical character of the Roman Empire was confirmed late during the reign when Hadrian struck a series of special issue coins representing allegories of the various provinces.[106]

Hadrian traveled as an integral part of his governing, something he made clear to the Roman Senate and the people. In order to check the Roman populace, he made recourse to his chief equestrian adviser, Marcius Turbo, who was made Pretorian Prefect in 121 – while he was still joint-governor of Dacia and Pannonia Inferior[107] – and who had as his task to adjudicate non-senators. Turbo had had a long career as a procurator,[108] and was regarded as one of the leading men of the equestrian order.[109] Nonetheless, he was not qualified to keep a check on the Senate, as Hadrian forbade equestrians to try cases against senators.[110] The Senate had ultimate legal authority over its members, as it remained formally the highest court of appeal, from which appealing to the Emperor was forbidden.[111] There are hints within certain sources that Hadrian also employed a secret police force, the frumentarii, on an ad hoc, occasional basis[112] to snoop primarily on people of high social standing, such as his close friends.[113]

His visits were marked by handouts that often contained instructions for the construction of new public buildings. His intention was to strengthen the Empire from within through improved infrastructure, as opposed to conquering or annexing perceived enemies. This was often the purpose of his journeys; commissioning new structures, projects and settlements. His almost evangelical belief in Greek culture strengthened his views: like many emperors before him, Hadrian's will was almost always obeyed.[114] Later, the Greek rhetorician Aelius Aristides was to extol his activities by writing that he "extended over his subjects a protecting hand, raising them as one helps fallen men on their feet".[115]

His travelling court was large, including administrators and probably also architects and builders. The burden on the areas he passed through was sometimes great. While his arrival usually brought some benefits, it is possible that those who had to bear the burden were of a different class from those who reaped the benefits. For example, huge amounts of provisions were requisitioned during his visit to Egypt; this suggests that the burden on the mainly subsistence farmers must have been intolerable, causing some measure of starvation and hardship.[114]

At the same time, as in later times all the way through the European Renaissance, kings were welcomed into their cities or lands, and the financial burden was completely on them, and only indirectly on the poorer class. Hadrian's first tour came just four years after assuming the office of Caesar, when he sought a cure for a skin disease thought to be leprosy and travelled to Judea Roman province while en route to Egypt.[116] This time also allowed him the freedom to concern himself with his general cultural aims. At some point, he travelled north, towards Germania and inspected the Rhine–Danube frontier, allocating funds to improve the defences. However, it was a voyage to the Empire's very frontiers that represented perhaps his most significant visit; upon hearing of a recent revolt, he journeyed to Britannia.

Britannia and the West (122)

Hadrian's Wall (Vallum Hadriani), a fortification in Northern England (viewed from Vercovicium).
Hadrian's Gate, in Antalya, southern Turkey was built to honour Hadrian who visited the city in 130.

Prior to Hadrian's arrival in Britain, there had been a major rebellion in Britannia from 119 to 121.[117] Although operations in Britannia at the time got no mention worthy of note in the literary sources, inscriptions tell of an expeditio Britannica involving major troop movements, including sending a vexillatio (i.e., a detachment) of some 3,000 men taken from legions stationed on the Rhine and in Spain; Fronto writes about military losses in Britannia at the time.[118] The Historia Augusta notes that the Britons could not be kept under Roman control; Pompeius Falco was sent to Britain to restore order, and coins of 119–120 refer to this. In 122 Hadrian initiated the construction of Hadrian's Wall. The wall was built "to separate Romans from barbarians", according to the Historia Augusta.[119] It deterred attacks on Roman territory (at a lower cost than a massed border army)[120] and controlled cross-border trade and immigration.[121]

Unlike the Germanic limes, built of wood palisades, Hadrian's Wall was primarily a stone construction.[122] The western third of the wall, from modern-day Carlisle to the River Irthing, was originally built of turf for unknown reasons. Possibly to hasten its construction, the wall's width was narrowed in some sections from the original planned 12 feet to 7. The turf wall was, however, later rebuilt in stone, and a large ditch with adjoining mounds, known today as the Vallum, was dug to the south of the wall.[123]

Under Hadrian, a shrine was erected in York to Britain as a goddess, and coins that introduced a female figure as the personification of Britain, labelled BRITANNIA, were struck.[124] By the end of 122, Hadrian had concluded his visit to Britannia, and from there headed south to Mauretania, never to return. Thus he never saw the finished wall that bears his name.

Hadrian appears to have gone to Mauretania through southern Gaul, and it is probable that he visited Nemausus, where he may have overseen the building of a basilica dedicated to Plotina, who had meanwhile died in Rome. Plotina was in due course deified at Hadrian's prompting.[125] Shortly before her death, Hadrian had already granted Plotina a signal favour, by stating that succession to the head of the Epicurean School in Athens could be granted to a non-Roman citizen – a petition that had been made by the incumbent head of the school seeking Plotina's intercession.[126] Matidia Augusta, Hadrian's mother-in-law, had died earlier, in December 119, and had also been deified.[127] Both deifications of these prominent female members of Trajan's family might be seen as an effort by Hadrian to buttress his legitimacy.[128] At what appears to have been the same time, Hadrian dismissed his secretary in charge of his official correspondence (ab epistulis), the historian Suetonius, for "excessive familiarity" towards the empress.[129] Also dismissed for the same alleged reason was Marcius Turbo's colleague as Praetorian Prefect, Gaius Septicius Clarus. Given Clarus' high office, the alleged reason for his dismissal could have been merely a pretext to remove him from office.[130]

Hadrian spent the winter of 122/123 at Spain, in Tarraco, where he restored the Temple of Augustus before crossing the Mediterranean into Mauretania.[131]

Africa, Parthia and Anatolia; Antinous (123–124)

Statue of Antinous (Delphi), polychrome Parian marble, made during the reign of Hadrian

In 123, he arrived in Mauretania where he personally led a campaign against local rebels.[132] However, this visit was to be short, as reports came through that the Eastern nation of Parthia was again preparing for war; as a result, Hadrian quickly headed eastwards. On his journey east it is known that at some point he visited Cyrene, during which time he personally made available funds for the training of the young men of well-bred families for the Roman military. Cyrene had already benefited from his generosity: in 119 he had provided funds for the rebuilding of public buildings destroyed in the recent Jewish revolt.[133] The rebuilding lasted until late in the reign, and in 138 a statue of Zeus was erected with a dedication to Hadrian as "saviour and founder" of Cyrene.[134]

When Hadrian arrived on the Euphrates, he characteristically solved the problem through a negotiated settlement with the Parthian king Osroes I. He then proceeded to check the Roman defences before setting off west along the coast of the Black Sea.[135] He probably spent the winter in Nicomedia, the main city of Bithynia. As Nicomedia had been hit by an earthquake only shortly prior to his stay, Hadrian was generous in providing funds for rebuilding, for which he was acclaimed as the chief restorer of the province as a whole.[136]

It is possible that Hadrian visited Claudiopolis and there espied the beautiful Antinous, a young boy who was destined to become the emperor's beloved. Sources say nothing about when Hadrian met Antinous; however, there are depictions of Antinous that show him as a young man of 20 or so. As this was shortly before Antinous's death in 130 (the earliest date for which we can be sure of Antinous' being together with Hadrian) Antinous in 123 would most likely have been a youth of 13 or 14.[136] It is possible that Antinous was sent to Rome to be trained as a page to serve the emperor and only gradually rose to the status of imperial favourite.[137] The fact is, however, that the actual history of the Antinous/Hadrian relationship is mostly unknown.[138]

With or without Antinous, Hadrian travelled through Anatolia. The route he took is uncertain. Various incidents are described, such as his founding of a city within Mysia, Hadrianutherae, after a successful boar hunt. (The building of the city was probably more than a mere whim – sparsely populated wooded areas such as the location of the new city were already ripe for development). Some historians dispute whether Hadrian did in fact commission the city's construction at all. At about this time, plans to complete the Temple of Zeus in Cyzicus, begun by the kings of Pergamon, were put into practice. The temple, whose completion had been contemplated by Trajan, received a colossal statue of Hadrian, and was built with dazzling white marble with gold thread. Cyzicus received the additional honor of being declared a regional center for the Imperial cult (neocoros), sharing it with Pergamon, Smyrna, Ephesus and Sardes[139] – something that offered the benefits of Imperial sponsorship of sacred games, attracting tourism and stimulating private expenditure as well as channeling intercity rivalry into a common acceptance of Roman rule.[140]

Greece (124–125)

Temple of Zeus in Athens
The Pantheon was rebuilt by Hadrian.

The climax of this tour was the destination that Hadrian must have had in mind all along, Greece. He arrived in the autumn of 124 in time to participate in the Eleusinian Mysteries. By tradition, at one stage in the ceremony the initiates were supposed to carry arms; but, this was waived to avoid any risk to the emperor. At the Athenians' request, he conducted a revision of their constitution – among other things, a new phyle (tribe) was added bearing his name.[141] Also, a system of coercive purchases of oil was imposed on Athenian producers in order to ensure an adequate supply of the commodity; management of the system was left in the hands of the local Assembly and Council, appeals to the Emperor notwithstanding.[142] Athens also became the only provincial city to benefit from a regular supply of grain.[143] Hadrian also created two foundations that were to provide for the funding of Athens' public games, whenever there was no citizen wealthy enough (or willing) to sponsor them as a Gymnasiarch or Agonothetes.[144] Usually, however, Hadrian preferred that civic expenditure by Greek notables should concentrate on buildings rather than on spectacles and competitions: in a letter to Aphrodisias he praised a requirement that high priests of the imperial cult donate funds to works on an aqueduct rather than to gladiatorial games.[145] Such aqueducts – associated with public fountains nymphaea – were one of Hadrian's additions to the Greek urban landscape: besides Athens, where two such fountains were built, Argos also received a similar project.[146]

It was possibly at this time that Hadrian received, according to Eusebius, an apology (i.e., a defense) of the Christian faith made by two Christians, Quadratus and Aristides. Apparently, Hadrian simply kept to Trajan's policy of passive tolerance, by which Christians should not be sought after but sentenced only after due trial.[147] In a rescript addressed to the proconsul of Asia Minutius Fundanus and preserved by Justin Martyr, Hadrian laid down that accusers of Christians had to bear the burden of proof for their denunciations[148] on pain of being punished for calumnia (defamation).[149]

During the winter he toured the Peloponnese. His exact route is uncertain; however, Pausanias reports of tell-tale signs, such as temples built by Hadrian and the statue of the emperor – in heroic nudity – built by the grateful citizens of Epidaurus[150] in thanks to their "restorer". He was especially generous to Mantinea, where he restored the Temple of Poseidon Hippios; this supports the theory that Antinous was in fact already Hadrian's lover because of the strong link between Mantinea and Antinous's home in Bithynia.[151] However, as this kinship between Mantinea and Bythinia was itself a mythological fiction of the kind used at the time for encouraging political alliances between polities, a more serious reason might exist for Hadrian's particular generosity.[152] Hadrian's buildings in Greece were no mere whims, as they followed a pattern of favoring old religious centers: besides the temple at Mantinea, Hadrian restored other ancient shrines in Abae, Argos – where he restored the Heraion – and Megara.[153] This was a way of gathering legitimacy to Roman imperial rule by associating it to the glories of classical Greece – something well in line with contemporary antiquarian taste in cultural matters.[154] Hadrian is credited by Pausanias with restoring to Mantinea its ancient, classical name: it had been named Antigoneia since Hellenistic times, in honor of the Macedonian king Antigonus III Doson.[155]

This same idea of resurrecting the classical past under Roman overlordship was behind the possibility that, during his tour of the Peloponnese, Hadrian persuaded the Spartan grandee Eurycles Herculanus – the contemporary leader of the Euryclid family that had ruled Sparta since Augustus' day – to enter the Senate, alongside the Athenian grandee Herodes Atticus the Elder. The two aristocrats would be the first Greeks from Old Greece to enter the Roman Senate, as "representatives" of the two "great powers" of the Classical Age.[156] This was an important step in overcoming Greek notables' haughty disdain and their reluctance to take part in Roman political life.[157]

By March 125, Hadrian had reached Athens, presiding over the festival of Dionysia. The building program that Hadrian initiated was substantial. Various rulers had done work on building the Temple of Olympian Zeus over a timespan of more than five centuries – it was Hadrian and the vast resources he could command that ensured that the job would be finished. He also initiated the construction of several public buildings on his own whim and even organized the building of an aqueduct.[158]

Return to Italy and trip to Africa (126–128)

Hadrian in armour, wearing the gorgoneion; marble, Roman artwork, c. 127–128 AD, from Heraklion, Crete, now in the Louvre, Paris

On his return to Italy, Hadrian made a detour to Sicily. Coins celebrate him as the restorer of the island, though there is no record of what he did to earn this accolade.[159]

Back in Rome, he was able to see for himself the completed work of rebuilding the Pantheon. Also completed by then was Hadrian's villa nearby at Tibur, a pleasant retreat by the Sabine Hills for whenever Rome became too much for him. At the beginning of March 127 Hadrian set off for a tour of Italy. Once again, historians are able to reconstruct his route by evidence of his hand-outs rather than the historical records.[160]

For instance, in that year he restored the Picentine earth goddess Cupra in the town of Cupra Maritima. At some unspecified time he improved the drainage of the Fucine lake. Less welcome than such largesse was his decision in 127 to divide Italy into four regions under imperial legates with consular rank, who had jurisdiction over all of Italy excluding Rome itself, therefore shifting cases from the courts of Rome.[161] Actually, the four consulars acted as governors of the regions assigned to them. Having Italy effectively reduced to the status of a group of mere provinces did not go down well with Italian hegemonic feelings (especially with the Roman Senate),[162] and this innovation did not long outlive Hadrian.[160]

Hadrian fell ill around this time, though the nature of his sickness is not known. Whatever the illness was, it did not stop him from setting off in the spring of 128 to visit Africa. His arrival began with the good omen of rain ending a drought. Along with his usual role as benefactor and restorer, he found time to inspect the troops; his speech to the troops survives to this day.[163] Hadrian returned to Italy in the summer of 128 but his stay was brief, as he set off on another tour that would last three years.[164]

Greece, Asia, and Egypt (128–130); Antinous' death

Hadrian and Antinous – busts in the British Museum
Ruins of the Arch of Hadrian in Athens, Greece, near the Athenian Acropolis

In September 128, Hadrian again attended the Eleusinian mysteries. This time his visit to Greece seems to have concentrated on Athens and Sparta – the two ancient rivals for dominance of Greece. Hadrian had played with the idea of focusing his Greek revival around the Amphictyonic League based in Delphi, but by now he had decided on something far grander. His new Panhellenion was going to be a council that would bring Greek cities together. The meeting place was to be the new temple to Zeus in Athens. Having set in motion the preparations – deciding whose claim to be a Greek city was genuine would in itself take time – Hadrian set off for Ephesus.[165] The notion of the "Greek city", however, was mostly political and mythological rather than historical: it involved fabricated claims to Greek origins and imperial favour.[166] Most importantly, it linked appreciation of an idealized cultural Hellenism with loyalty to Rome and her Emperor.[167] The Panhellenion was devised with a view to associating the Roman Emperor with protection of Greek culture and of the "liberties" of Greece – in the case, urban self-government. It allowed Hadrian to appear as the fictive heir to Pericles, who supposedly had convened a previous Panhellenic Congress – which is mentioned, by the way, only in his biography by Plutarch, whose sympathies to the Imperial order are well-known.[168] Epigraphical evidence suggests, however, that the prospect of "applying" to the Panhellenion raised less interest in the wealthier cities from Asia Minor, which were jealous of Athenian and European Greek preeminence.[169] Hadrian defined Hellenism in a narrow, archaizing manner: no Hellenistic foundations were admitted into the Panhellenion, as Hadrian defined "Greekness" in terms of classical roots alone.[170]

From Greece, Hadrian proceeded by way of Asia to Egypt. It is known from an inscription that he was at the time probably conveyed across the Aegean with his entourage by one Ephesian, Lucius Erastus, on behalf of whom he later sent a letter to the Council of Ephesus, stating that Erastus wanted to become a town councillor, and that he, Hadrian, was willing to pay the honorary sum required for entrance in the council, if the Ephesians regarded Erastus (who, as a merchant, was probably snubbed upon as unfit for civic prominence) worthy to fill such a position.[171]

In Egypt, Hadrian opened his stay by restoring Pompey the Great's tomb at Pelusium.[172] Hadrian also offered sacrifice to Pompey as a hero and composed an epigram for the tomb. As Pompey was universally acknowledged as the conqueror of the Roman East, this restoration was probably linked to a need to reaffirm Roman Eastern hegemony after the recent disturbances there during Trajan's late reign.[173] Also in Egypt, a poem about a lion hunt in the Libyan desert by the Greek Pankrates witnesses for the first time that Antinous travelled alongside Hadrian.[174]

In October 130, while Hadrian and his entourage were sailing on the Nile, Antinous drowned for unknown reasons; accident, suicide, murder and religious sacrifice have all been postulated. Historia Augusta offers the following account:

During a journey on the Nile he lost Antinous, his favourite, and for this youth he wept like a woman. Concerning this incident there are varying rumours; for some claim that he had devoted himself to death for Hadrian, and others – what both his beauty and Hadrian's sensuality suggest. But however this may be, the Greeks deified him at Hadrian's request, and declared that oracles were given through his agency, but these, it is commonly asserted, were composed by Hadrian himself.[175]

It was at that time that Hadrian turned, by his personal initiative, the persona of Antinous – a low-status non-citizen Greek – into something far surpassing the usual imperial boy favourite and sexual interest.[176] Deeply saddened, Hadrian founded the Egyptian city of Antinopolis in his memory, and had Antinous deified – an unprecedented honour for one not of the ruling family.

Although Hadrian was criticized for the intensity of his grief to Antinous's death, his attempt at turning the deceased youth into a cult-figure found little opposition.[177] The cult of Antinous was to become very popular in the Greek-speaking world.[178] It has been suggested that Hadrian created the cult as a political move to reconcile the Greek-speaking East to Roman rule.[179] The existence of a copy, in Hadrian's villa, of the famous statue pair of the Tyrannicides, with a bearded Aristogeiton and a clean-shaven Harmodios, in a certain way linked the imperial favourite to the classical tradition of Greek love[180] in opposition to usual Roman distrust of Greek pederasty.[181] In Italy and the West, the cult also found supporters: in one inscription from Tivoli, Antinous was compared to the Celtic sun-god Belenos.[182]

Medals were struck with Antinous' effigy, and statues erected to him in all parts of the empire, in all kinds of garb, including Egyptian dress.[183] Temples were built for his worship in Bithynia and Mantineia in Arcadia. In Athens, festivals were celebrated in his honour and oracles delivered in his name. The site chosen for the city of Antinopolis (or Antinoe) was on the ruins of Besa, in the vicinity of Antinous's death-place.[184] The city was a proper Greek polis, which, however, besides benefitting from an alimentary scheme similar to Trajan's alimenta,[185] also allowed its citizens the privilege of marrying members of the native population without disenfranchising themselves – proof that Hadrian intended, again, to use a local religious cult (in this case, an Egyptianized one) as a means of integrating native populations into the celebration of Roman rule.[186] Antinous's cult differed from the previous imperial cult in that, instead of centering on worshipping the Emperor as a ruler, it involved the Emperor as well as his subjects in a common religious activity, thereby emphasizing a sense of shared community.[187] Eventually, it was very successful. As an "international" cult figure, Antinous had an enduring fame, far outlasting Hadrian's reign:[188] local coins with his effigy were still being struck during Caracalla's reign, and he was invoked in a poem to celebrate the accession of Diocletian.[189]

Greece and the East; return to Rome (130–133)

Statue of Hadrian as pontifex maximus, dated 130-140 AD, from Rome, Palazzo Nuovo, Capitoline Museums

Hadrian’s movements subsequent to the founding of Antinopolis on 30 October 130 are obscure. Whether or not he returned to Rome, he traveled in the East during 130/131 (see below) and spent the winter of 131–32 in Athens, where he dedicated the Olympeion,[190] and probably remained in Greece or went East because of the Jewish rebellion, which broke out in Judaea in 132 (see below). Inscriptions make it clear that he took the field in person against the rebels with his army in 133; he then returned to Rome, probably in that year and almost certainly – again, judging from inscriptions – via Illyricum.[191] This third and final trip to the Greek East produced much religious enthusiasm in the region centered around Hadrian, who received a personal cult as a deity and numerous monuments and civic homages, according to the religious syncretism at the time.[192]

It was around that time that Hadrian enacted, through the jurist Salvius Julianus, what was to become the first attempt to codify Roman law: the Perpetual Edict, according to which the various forms of legal action introduced yearly by pretors were to remain fixed.[193] The practical meaning of this measure was that a law could no longer be changed by a magistrate's personal interpretation of it; the law had become a fixed statute, which only the Emperor could alter.[194] At the same time, following a procedure initiated by Domitian, Hadrian professionalized the Emperor's legal advisory board, the Prince's Counsel or consilia principis, which became a permanent body staffed by salaried legal aides.[195] By so doing, Hadrian developed a professional bureaucracy, consisting mainly of equestrians and replacing the earlier freedmen of the Imperial household,[196] that was to control the political field instead of the Senate's individual members,[197] an innovation that marked the superseding of surviving Republican institutions by an openly autocratic political system.[198] Hadrian's bureaucracy was supposed to carry out the administrative functions not earlier exercised by the old magistrates, and therefore objectively it did not detract from the Senate's position: the new civil servants were free men and as such supposed to act on behalf of the interests of the "Crown", not of the Emperor as an individual.[196] However, the Senate never accepted the loss of its prestige caused by the emergence of a new aristocracy alongside it, placing additional strain on the already troubled relationship between the Senate and the Emperor that was to be a hallmark of the end of Hadrian's reign.[199]

Hadrian and Judea; Second Roman–Jewish War and Jewish persecution (132–136)

Coinage minted to mark Hadrian's visit to Judea
Porphyry statue of Hadrian discovered in Caesarea, Israel

In 130/131, Hadrian toured the East, bestowing honorific titles on many regional centers.[200] Palmyra received a state visit and was given the civic name Hadriana Palmyra.[201] Hadrian also bestowed honors on various Palmyrene magnates, among them one Soados, who lived in the Parthian city of Vologesias and, as a go-between, had done much to protect Palmyrene trade between the Roman Empire and Parthia.[202]

It was then that Hadrian visited the ruins of Jerusalem, in Roman Judaea, left after the First Roman–Jewish War of 66–73. According to a midrashic tradition, he first showed himself sympathetic to the Jews, allegedly planning to have the city rebuilt and allowing the rebuilding of the Temple,[203] but when told by Samaritans that it would be the catalyst for sedition, he changed his mind.[204] The reliability of this tradition is, however, doubtful.[205] The account stands in sharp contradiction to an alternate tradition that has Hadrian deciding to build a temple to the Roman god Jupiter on the ruins of the Temple Mount[206] and other temples to various Roman gods throughout Jerusalem, including a large temple to the goddess Venus.[207]

According to modern scholar Giovanni Bazzana, Hadrian's original intention may have been to rebuild Jerusalem as a Roman colony – such as Vespasian had done earlier to Caesarea Maritima – with various honorific and fiscal privileges, as well as a pagan population. It is accepted that the usual Roman policy in other colonies involved exempting the Jewish population from participating in Roman religious rituals. What was demanded from Jewish communities was political support to the Roman imperial order, as attested in Caesarea, where epigraphy attests that some of its Jewish citizens served in the Roman army during both the 66 and 132 rebellions.[208]

It has been speculated that Hadrian intended to assimilate the Jewish Temple into the civic-religious basis of support to his reign, as he had been doing with Greek and other traditional places of worship.[209] It has also been ventured that Hadrian attempted to unify all belief systems in his empire as a coherent whole that would serve as a basis of support for his autocratic legitimacy – a project that had already been devised earlier by Hellenized Jewish intellectuals such as Philo.[210] The neighbouring Samaritans had already undergone such a process of Hellenization and religious syncretism, integrating their religious rites with Hellenistic ones.[211] Hadrian probably sanctioned this Hellenized Samaritan worship when, after the suppression of the Jewish revolt, he built a temple to the Hellenistic (and probably syncretic) god Zeus Hypsistos ("Highest")[212] on Mount Gerizim.[213] This attempt at conciliation between Judaism and Hellenism, however, foundered when faced with strict Jewish monotheism.[214] Therefore, the Romans appear to have been surprised by the outbreak of the uprising.[215]

The evidence for this failure to integrate Judaism into a unified religious system lies in the fact that, after the war, Hadrian even renamed Jerusalem itself, as Aelia Capitolina after himself and Jupiter Capitolinus, the chief Roman deity. According to Epiphanius, Hadrian appointed Aquila from Sinope in Pontus as "overseer of the work of building the city", seeing that Aquila was related to him by marriage.[216] Hadrian is said to have placed the city's main Forum at the junction of the main Cardo and Decumanus Maximus, now the location for the (smaller) Muristan.

A tradition based on the Historia Augusta suggests that tensions grew higher when Hadrian abolished circumcision (brit milah),[217] which he, a Hellenist, viewed as mutilation.[218] However, one scholar, Peter Schäfer, maintains that there is no evidence for this claim, given the notoriously problematical nature of the Historia Augusta as a source, the "tomfoolery" shown by the writer in this particular relevant passage, and the fact that contemporary Roman legislation on "genital mutilation" seems to address the general issue of castration of slaves by their masters.[219][220][221] Actually, Hadrian had issued a rescript with a blanket ban on castration, performed on freeman or slave, voluntarily or not, on pain of death for both the performer and the patient.[222] Castration was legally put by Hadrian on a par with conspiracy to murder and accordingly punished on the terms of the Lex Cornelia de Sicaris et Veneficis.[223]

Relief from an honorary monument of Hadrian (detail), showing the emperor being greeted by the goddess Roma and the Genii of the Senate and the Roman People; marble, Roman artwork, 2nd century AD, Capitoline Museums, Vatican City

The notion of an "antisemitic" legislation by Hadrian is, therefore, possibly an anachronistic ("midrashic", in the words of a modern scholar)[224] reading of ancient sources.

It is possible that other issues intervened between Hadrian's intention to rebuild Jerusalem and the outbreak of the war: the tension between incoming Roman colonists and supporters who had appropriated land confiscated after the First Jewish War and the landless poor, as well as the existence of messianic groups triggered by an interpretation of Jeremiah's prophecy promising that the Temple would be rebuilt seventy years after its destruction, repeating the timing of the restoration of the First Temple after the Babylonian exile – something that would put the restoration of the Second Temple to around 140.[225]

Hadrian's anti-Jewish policies (or, alternatively, assimilation policies by means of cultural and political hellenization)[226] triggered in Judaea a massive anti-Hellenistic and anti-Roman Jewish uprising, led by Simon bar Kokhba. Based on the delineation of years in Eusebius' Chronicon (now Chronicle of Jerome), it was only in the 16th year of Hadrian's reign, or what was equivalent to the 4th year of the 227th Olympiad, that the Jewish revolt began, under the Roman governor Tineius (Tynius) Rufus who had asked for an army to crush the resistance. Bar Kokhba, the leader of the resistance, punished any Jew who refused to join his ranks.[227] According to Justin Martyr and Eusebius, that had to do mostly with Christian converts, who opposed bar Kokhba's messianic claims.[228]

It was then that Hadrian called his general Sextus Julius Severus from Britain, and troops were brought from as far as the Danube. The Fifth Macedonian Legion and the Eleventh Claudian Legion also took part in war operations in Judea at the time.[229] Roman losses were very heavy – as they were compared by Fronto to the casualties of the earlier British uprising[230][231] – and it is believed that an entire legion, the XXII Deiotariana, which according to epigraphy did not outlast Hadrian's reign, was destroyed in the rebellion.[232] Indeed, Roman losses were so heavy that Hadrian's report to the Roman Senate omitted the customary salutation, "If you and your children are in health, it is well; I and the legions are in health."[233]

Hadrian's army eventually put down the rebellion in 135. According to Cassius Dio, overall war operations in the land of Judea left some 580,000 Jews killed, and 50 fortified towns and 985 villages razed to the ground. The most famous battle took place in Beitar, a fortified city 10 km. southwest of Jerusalem. The city only fell after a lengthy siege of three and a half years, at which time Hadrian prohibited the Jews from burying their dead. They were eventually afforded burial when Antoninus Pius succeeded Hadrian as Roman Emperor.[234] According to the Babylonian Talmud,[235] after the war Hadrian continued the persecution of Jews.

Roman inscription found near Battir mentioning the 5th and 11th Roman Legions

The rabbinical sources, however, seem more concerned with morals and religion than with conveying history;[236] therefore, occasionally such writings are known to contain embellished accounts of the war and its aftermath,[237] according to whom Hadrian attempted to root out Judaism – which he saw as the cause of continuous rebellions – prohibited the Torah law, the Hebrew calendar and executed Judaic scholars (see Ten Martyrs). The sacred scroll was ceremonially burned on the Temple Mount. In an attempt to erase the memory of Judaea, he renamed the province Syria Palaestina (after the Philistines; the name was found in Herodotus' histories),[238] and Jews were barred from entering its rededicated capital. When Jewish sources mention Hadrian it is always with the epitaph "may his bones be crushed" (שחיק עצמות or שחיק טמיא, the Aramaic equivalent[239]), an expression never used even with respect to Vespasian or Titus, who destroyed the Second Temple.

Other modern scholars contend that Hadrian's strictures on circumcision and his no-entry policy for Jews were poorly enforced, falling into abeyance with his death. Namely, Hadrian's legislation on castration was amended by Antoninus Pius in order to allow Jews to circumcise their own sons (Jewish proselytism among male converts remaining forbidden).[240] In spite of the enslavement of Jewish war prisoners and of their suffering high war casualties and wanton destruction, it has been proposed that Palestine remained predominantly Jewish in population, as well as its culture and religious life, a fact reflected by the completion of the Mishnah in the early Third Century (220 CE).[241] However, the Jerusalem Talmud, compiled in the 2nd and 3rd century CE, speaks of areas in Palestine that were at that time wholly supplanted by non-Jewish peoples, owing to the sparseness of its Jewish citizens.[242] Jerusalem remained a special case, due to the fact that it was rebuilt as a purely Roman city – a circumstance of which later Christian authors like Eusebius took advantage in order to stress its character as a Christian city and worship center.[243] Therefore, the extent of the punitive measures taken by Hadrian against the Jewish population remains a matter of continuing debate in present-day historiography.[244]

What Hadrian's bloody repression of the revolt undoubtedly did accomplish was to put an end to any measure of Jewish political independence alongside the Roman Imperial order.[245]

In Rabbinic literature

Rabbinic literature is critical of Hadrian's policy, particularly that of religious intolerance concerning the Jews. Indeed, his policies were viewed as an attack on the religious freedom of the practice of Torah law. Most of the stories related by the Sages of Israel reflect a two-faced approach to tolerance of the Jewish people. In one story he punishes a Jew who failed to greet him, and then punishes another Jew who wished him well. When asked what the logic was for his punishing both men, he replied: "You wish to give me advice on how to kill my enemies?"[246]

In another story, Hadrian got down from his chariot and bowed to a Jewish girl afflicted with leprosy. When queried by his soldiers as to why he did this, Hadrian responded with a dual verse from the book of Isaiah in praise of the nation of Israel: "So says God the redeemer of Israel to the downtrodden soul to the (made) repulsive nation, kings will view and stand."[247]

The Malbim commentary to the book of Daniel comments how Hadrian erected a statue of himself at the site of the Bet HaMikdash on a day marking the anniversary of the Temple's destruction by Titus.[248]

According to Jewish historical records of that time,[249] the famous rabbi and scholar and a contemporary of Hadrian, Rabbi Yehoshua, the son of Hananiah, opposed any Jewish military intervention against the occupying Roman army, in spite of Rome's harsh decrees against the Jewish people. Rabbi Yehoshua is reported as saying: "A lion once pounced upon its prey and got a bone stuck in his throat. He then said, 'Whosoever comes and takes it out, I will give to him a reward.' An Egyptian heron came along whose bill is long, and reaching down into the lion's throat, extracted the bone. The bird then said to the lion, 'Give to me my reward.' The lion replied, 'Just be happy that you can say, I went down into the lion's mouth and I came out alive and well.' It is the same with us. It is enough that we have gone into this nation and came out with our lives."

Final years


Bronze head of Hadrian found in the River Thames in London. Now in the British Museum.
Imperial group as Mars and Venus; the male figure is a portrait of Hadrian, the female figure was reworked into a portrait of Annia Lucilla (?); marble, Roman artwork, c. 120–140 AD, reworked c. 170–175 AD.

Hadrian spent the final years of his life at Rome. In 134, he took an Imperial salutation for the end of the Second Jewish War (which was not actually concluded until the following year). In 136, he dedicated a new Temple of Venus and Roma on the former site of Nero's Golden House.

About this time, suffering from poor health, he turned to the problem of the succession. In 136 he adopted one of the ordinary consuls of that year, Lucius Ceionius Commodus, who took the name Lucius Aelius Caesar. He was the son-in-law of Gaius Avidius Nigrinus, one of the "four consulars" executed in 118, but was himself in delicate health. Also, his reputation was more that "of a voluptuous, well educated great lord than that of a leader".[250] Already at the time, it was ventured that Aelius had as his only commendation his beauty, a piece of gossip that found its way into the Historia Augusta biography.[251] Various modern attempts have been made to justify this apparently unjustified choice, one of them – advanced by the French historian Jerome Carcopino – being that Aelius was actually Hadrian's natural son.[252] It has also been speculated that Hadrian was fully aware that Aelius would never outlive him, and that the adoption of an aristocrat scion with no blood ties to the Emperor[253] was a belated attempt to make amends for the episode of the four consulars, therefore aiming at a reconciliation with the powerful clan of old Italian families in the Senate.[115] Of the four consulars, Aelius' father-in-law Avidius Nigrinus had been Hadrian's chief rival for the throne, as a senator of highest rank, breeding, and connections, and as a Stoic. According to the Historia Augusta, early in his reign Hadrian had even considered making Nigrinus his heir apparent, before eventually deciding to get rid of this worthy opponent.[254]

Granted tribunician power and the joint governorship of Pannonia Superior and Pannonia Inferior – a commission that he discharged honorably, according to the Historia Augusta[255] – Aelius Caesar held a further consulship in 137, but died on 1 January 138.[256]

Following the death of Aelius Caesar, Hadrian next adopted Titus Aurelius Fulvus Boionius Arrius Antoninus (the future emperor Antoninus Pius), who had served as one of the five imperial legates of Italy (a post created by Hadrian) and as proconsul of Asia. On 25 February 138 Antoninus received tribunician power and imperium. Moreover, to ensure the future of the dynasty, Hadrian required Antoninus to adopt both Lucius Ceionius Commodus (son of the deceased Aelius Caesar) and Marcus Annius Verus (who was the grandson of an influential senator of the same name who had been Hadrian's close friend; Annius was already betrothed to Aelius Caesar’s daughter Ceionia Fabia). Hadrian's precise intentions in this arrangement are debatable.

Though the consensus is that he wanted Annius Verus (who would later become the Emperor Marcus Aurelius) to succeed Antoninus, it has also been argued that he actually intended Ceionius Commodus, the son of his own adopted son, to succeed, but was constrained to show favour simultaneously to Annius Verus because of his strong connections to the Hispano-Narbonensian nexus of senatorial families of which Hadrian himself was a part.[257] As Annius Verus was the step-grandson of the then Prefect of Rome Lucius Catilius Severus, one of the remnants of the all-powerful group of Spanish senators from Trajan's reign, it was unavoidable that Hadrian should show some favor to the grandson in order to count on the grandfather's support.[258] It is possible, according to one prosopography, that Catilius Severus was the third and last husband of Hadrian's mother, Domitia Lucilla Major. As Lucilla Major's second husband, Publius Calvisius Ruso, was the father of Domitia Lucilla Minor, Annius Verus' mother, Lucilla Minor, would actually be Hadrian's half-sister, and Annius Verus, therefore, his (half)nephew.[259] In this case, in advancing Annius Verus, Hadrian would promote his own bloodline's fortunes. Note, however, that this prosopography is not universally accepted by other scholars, who argue that Hadrian's mother was known, according to Historia Augusta, as Domitia Paulina.[260]

Alternatively, it may well not have been Hadrian, but rather Antoninus Pius – who was Annius Verus's uncle – who advanced the latter to the principal position. The fact that Annius would divorce Ceionia Fabia and remarry to Antoninus' daughter Annia Faustina points in the same direction. When he eventually became Emperor, Marcus Aurelius would co-opt Ceionius Commodus as his co-Emperor (under the name of Lucius Verus) on his own initiative.[257] Also, there is the fact that Marcus Aurelius, when already emperor, behaved coldly towards the memory of his adoptive grandfather, who is conspicuously absent from the list of people to which Marcus acknowledged a debt of gratitude in his Meditations.[261] As emperor, Marcus would be far more attracted to the conservative, "serious", Roman outlook of Antoninus' reign than to Hadrian's more open, "lewd", "Hellenic" outlook – including Hadrian's almost exclusive homosexuality.[262] It is noteworthy that Marcus Aurelius's relationship towards Antinous's memory was one of total silence.[263]

The ancient sources present Hadrian's last few years as marked by conflict and unhappiness. The adoption of Aelius Caesar proved unpopular, not least with Hadrian's brother-in-law Lucius Julius Ursus Servianus and Servianus's grandson Gnaeus Pedanius Fuscus Salinator. Servianus, though now far too old, had stood in the line of succession at the beginning of the reign; Fuscus is said to have had designs on the imperial power for himself, and in 137 he may have attempted a coup in which his grandfather was implicated. Whatever the truth, Hadrian ordered that both be put to death.[264] Servianus is reported to have prayed before his execution that Hadrian would "long for death but be unable to die".[265] The prayer was fulfilled; as Hadrian suffered from his final, protracted illness, he had to be prevented from suicide on several occasions.[266]


Posthumous portrait of Hadrian; bronze, Roman artwork, c. 140 AD, perhaps from Roman Egypt, Louvre, Paris

Hadrian died in the year 138 on the 10th of July, in his villa at Baiae at the age of 62. The cause of death is believed to have been heart failure. Dio Cassius and the Historia Augusta record details of his failing health.

He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius, who also died in 138. After threatening the Senate – which toyed with refusing Hadrian's divine honors – by refusing to assume power himself,[267] Antoninus eventually succeeded in having his predecessor deified[268] in 139 and given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces.[269] The Senate in consequence agreed to give Antoninus the title Pius for his filial piety in granting his adoptive father honors.[267] At the same time, in order to mark the Senate's ill will, commemorative coinage honoring Hadrian's consecration was kept to a minimum.[270]

Poem by Hadrian

According to the Historia Augusta, Hadrian composed shortly before his death the following poem:[271]

Animula, vagula, blandula
Hospes comesque corporis
Quae nunc abibis in loca
Pallidula, rigida, nudula,
Nec, ut soles, dabis iocos...
P. Aelius Hadrianus Imp.
Roving amiable little soul,
Body's companion and guest,
Now descending for parts
Colourless, unbending, and bare
Your usual distractions no more shall be there...

The poem has enjoyed remarkable popularity,[272][273] but uneven critical acclaim.[274] According to Aelius Spartianus, the alleged author of Hadrian's biography in the Historia Augusta, Hadrian "wrote also similar poems in Greek, not much better than this one".[275] T.S.Eliot's poem "Animula" may have been inspired by Hadrian's, though the relationship is not unambiguous.[276]

Nerva–Antonine family tree


  1. In Classical Latin, Hadrian's name would be inscribed as PVBLIVS AELIVS HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS.
  2. As emperor his name was Imperator Caesar Divi Traiani filius Traianus Hadrianus Augustus.
  1. 1 2 "Itálica, Sedes natalis de Adriano. 31 textos histÓricos y argumentos para una secular polémica".
  2. Inscription in Athens, year 112 AD: CIL III, 550 = InscrAtt 3 = IG II, 3286 = Dessau 308 = IDRE 2, 365: P(ublio) Aelio P(ubli) f(ilio) Serg(ia) Hadriano / co(n)s(uli) VIIviro epulonum sodali Augustali leg(ato) pro pr(aetore) Imp(eratoris) Nervae Traiani / Caesaris Aug(usti) Germanici Dacici Pannoniae inferioris praetori eodemque / tempore leg(ato) leg(ionis) I Minerviae P(iae) F(idelis) bello Dacico item trib(uno) pleb(is) quaestori Imperatoris / Traiani et comiti expeditionis Dacicae donis militaribus ab eo donato bis trib(uno) leg(ionis) II / Adiutricis P(iae) F(idelis) item legionis V Macedonicae item legionis XXII Primigeniae P(iae) F(idelis) seviro / turmae eq(uitum) R(omanorum) praef(ecto) feriarum Latinarum Xviro s(tlitibus) i(udicandis) //... (text in Greek)
  3. Mary T. Boatwright (2008). "From Domitian to Hadrian". In Barrett, Anthony. Lives of the Caesars. Wiley-Blackwell. p. 159. ISBN 978-1405127554.
  4. Eutr. VIII. 6: "... nam eum (Hadrianum) Traianus, quamquam consobrinae suae filium ..." and SHA, Vita Hadr. I, 2: ...pater Aelius Hadrianus cognomento Afer fuit, consobrinus Traiani imperatoris.
  5. After A. M. Canto, in UCM.es, specifically pp. 322, 328, 341 and footnote 124, where she stands out SHA, Vita Hadr. 1.2: pro filio habitus (years 93); 3.2: ad bellum Dacicum Traianum familiarius prosecutus est (year 101) or, principally, 3.7: quare adamante gemma quam Traianus a Nerva acceperat donatus ad spem successionis erectus est (year 107).
  6. Royston Lambert, 1984, p. 175
  7. Paul Veyne, L'Empire Gréco-Romain. Paris: Seuil, 2005, ISBN 2-02-057798-4 , p. 312. In the French original: de l'Alexandre Dumas, du péplum et un peu d'Ubu Roi.
  8. Danèel den Hengst, Emperors and Historiography: Collected Essays on the Literature of the Roman Empire. Leiden: Brill, 2010, ISBN 978-90-04-17438-2 , p. 93
  9. Mary Taliaferro Boatwright, Hadrian and the Cities of the Roman Empire. Princeton University Press, 2002, pp. 20/26
  10. Alicia M. Canto, "Itálica, patria y ciudad natal de Adriano (31 textos históricos y argumentos contra Vita Hadr). His father died in AD 86 when Hadrian was at the age of 10. 1, 3", Athenaeum vol. 92.2, 2004, pp. 367–408 UNIPV.it
  11. Ronald Syme, in "Hadrian and Italica" (Journal of Roman Studies, LIV, 1964; pp. 142–149) examined the question and concluded that Rome was his birthplace. Against this is the argument of Canto, who argues that only one ancient source gives Hadrian's birth as Rome (SHA, Vita Hadr 2,4, probably interpolated), opposite to 25 ancient authors who affirm that he was born in Italica. Among these ancient sources is included his own imperial horoscope, which remained in the famous Antigonus of Nicaea's collection (end of the 2nd century). This horoscope was well studied by prominent authors such as F. H. Cramer, Astrology in Roman Law and Politics, Mem.Amer.Philos.Soc. nr. 37 , Philadelphia, 1954 (repr. 1996), see for Hadrian pp. 162–178, fn. 121b and 122, etc.: "...Hadrian – whose horoscope is absolutely certain  surely was born in southern Spain... (in) SHA, Hadrian, 2, 4, the birth was erroneously assigned to Rome instead of Italica, the actual birthplace of Hadrian...", or O. Neugebauer and H. B. Van Hoesen in their magisterial compilation Greek Horoscopes, Mem.Amer.Philos.Soc. nr. 48, Philadelphia, 1959, nr. L76, see now here, ed. 1987 pp. 80, 90–1, and his footnote 19. They came also to the conclusion that the astronomic parallel of the Hadrian’s birth is situated in the Baetica, today Andalusia: "...L40 agrees exactly with the geographical latitude of southern Spain, the place of origin of Hadrian and his family...".. "since Hadrian was born in Italica (southern Spain, near Seville, latitude about 37° 30)...".
  12. Historia Augusta, 'Hadrian', I-II, here explicitly citing the autobiography. This is one of the passages in the Historia Augusta where there is no reason to suspect invention. But see now the Canto's 31 contrary arguments in the op.cit. supra; among them, in the same Historia Augusta and, from the same author, Aelius Spartianus, Vita Sev. 21: Falsus est etiam ipse Traianus in suo municipe ac nepote diligendo, see also es:Adriano#cite note-nacimiento-0, and, characterizing him as a man of provinces (Canto, ibid.): Vita Hadr. 1,3: Quaesturam gessit Traiano quater et Articuleio consulibus, in qua cum orationem imperatoris in senatu agrestius pronuntians risus esset, usque ad summam peritiam et facundiam Latinis operam dedit
  13. On the numerous senatorial families from Spain residing at Rome and its vicinity around the time of Hadrian’s birth see R. Syme, 'Spaniards at Tivoli', in Roman Papers IV (Oxford, 1988), pp. 96–114. Tivoli (Tibur) was of course the site of Hadrian's own imperial villa.
  14. Royston Lambert, Beloved And God, pp. 31–32.
  15. Royston Lambert, Beloved And God, pp.31–32.
  16. Aul.Gell., Noct.Att. XVI, 13, 4, and some inscriptions in the city with C(olonia) A(elia) A(ugusta) I(talica)
  17. Thorsten Opper, The Emperor Hadrian. British Museum Press, 2008, p.  39
  18. Jörg Fündling , Kommentar zur Vita Hadriani der Historia Augusta (= Antiquitas. Reihe 4: Beiträge zur Historia-Augusta-Forschung, Serie 3: Kommentare, Bände 4.1 und 4.2). Habelt, Bonn 2006, ISBN 3-7749-3390-1 , p. 351.
  19. John D. Grainger, Nerva and the Roman Succession Crisis of AD 96–99. Abingdon: Routledge, 2004, ISBN 0-415-34958-3 , page 109; Alan K. Bowman, Peter Garnsey, Dominic Rathbone, eds. The Cambridge Ancient History  XI. Cambridge U. P.: 2000, ISBN 0-521-26335-2 , p. 133.
  20. Boatwright, IN Barrett, 158
  21. For instance, the probably bogus anecdote in Historia Augusta that tells that as tribune he had lost a cloak that emperors never wore: Michael Reiche, ed., Antike Autobiographien: Werke, Epochen, Gattungen. Köln: Böhlau, 2005, ISBN 3-412-10505-8 , p. 225
  22. Christiane L. Joost-Gaugier, Measuring Heaven: Pythagoras and His Influence on Thought and Art in Antiquity and the Middle Ages. Cornell University Press: 2007, ISBN 978-0-8014-4396-1 , p. 177
  23. Fündling, 335
  24. 1 2 Bowman, 133
  25. Gabriele Marasco, ed., Political Autobiographies and Memoirs in Antiquity: A Brill Companion. Leiden: Brill, 2011, ISBN 978-90-04-18299-8 , p. 375
  26. Marasco, 375
  27. Robert H. Allen, The Classical Origins of Modern Homophobia, Jefferson: Mcfarland, 2006, ISBN 978-0-7864-2349-1 , p. 120
  28. Thorsten Opper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict. Harvard University Press, 2008, p.170
  29. David L. Balch,Carolyn Osiek, eds., Early Christian Families in Context: An Interdisciplinary Dialogue. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2003, ISBN 0-8028-3986-X , p. 301
  30. Anthony R Birley, Hadrian: The Restless Emperor. Abingdon: Routledge, 2013, ISBN 0-415-16544-X , p. 54
  31. Fündling, 351
  32. Christer Brun, "Matidia die Jüngere", IN Anne Kolb, ed., Augustae. Machtbewusste Frauen am römischen Kaiserhof?: Herrschaftsstrukturen und Herrschaftspraxis II. Akten der Tagung in Zürich 18.-20. 9. 2008. Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2010, ISBN 978-3-05-004898-7 , p. 230
  33. Robin Lane Fox, The Classical World: An Epic History from Homer to Hadrian. Philadelphia: Basic Books, 2006, ISBN 978-0-465-02497-1 , p. 578
  34. The inscription in footnote 1
  35. John Bodel, ed. , Epigraphic Evidence: Ancient History From Inscriptions. Abingdon: Routledge, 2006, ISBN 0-415-11623-6 , page 89
  36. Mackay, Christopher. Ancient Rome: a Military and Political History. Cambridge U. Press: 2007, ISBN 0-521-80918-5 , p. 229
  37. H. W. Benario in Roman-emperors.org
  38. Anthony Birley, Hadrian the Restless Emperor, p. 68
  39. Anthony Birley, p. 75
  40. Karl Strobel: Kaiser Traian. Eine Epoche der Weltgeschichte. Regensburg: 2010, page 401.
  41. Fündling, 384; Strobel, 401.
  42. Elizabeth Speller, p. 25
  43. Birley, 80
  44. Kennedy, Maev (2008-06-09). "How Victorian restorers faked the clothes that seemed to show Hadrian's softer side". Guardian.co.uk. Retrieved 2008-06-09.
  45. Opper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict, 55
  46. Royston Lambert, p. 34
  47. Cizek, Eugen. L'éloge de Caius Avidius Nigrinus chez Tacite et le " complot " des consulaires. In: Bulletin de l'Association Guillaume Budé, n°3, octobre 1980. pp. 276–294. Page 284. Retrieved June 10, 2015. Available at
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  49. Michael Peppard, The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in Its Social and Political Context. Oxford U. Press, 2011, ISBN 978-0-19-975370-3 , pages 72/73
  50. 1 2 Elizabeth Speller.
  51. Marasco, 377
  52. M. Christol & D. Nony, Rome et son Empire. Paris: Hachette, 2003, ISBN 2-01-14-5542-1 , page 158
  53. Andrew Crawford Wilson, "Image and ideology : Roman imperialism and frontier policy in the second century A.D.". Australian National University, M.A. Thesis, 1992, available at . Retrieved May 23, 2015
  54. Françoise Des Boscs-Plateaux, Un parti hispanique à Rome?: ascension des élites hispaniques et pouvoir politique d'Auguste à Hadrien, 27 av. J.-C.-138 ap. J.-C. Madrid: Casa de Velázquez, 2005, ISBN 84-95555-80-8 , page 611
  55. Birley, 88
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  57. Paul Veyne, L'Empire Gréco-Romain,40
  58. Apud Veyne, L'Empire Gréco-Romain, 65
  59. Birley, 1
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  63. Birley, 84 & 86.
  64. Jocelyn M. C. Toynbee, The Hadrianic School: A Chapter in the History of Greek Art. CUP Archive, 1934, 79
  65. Opper, Empire and Conflict, pg.67
  66. N. J. E. Austin & N. B. Rankov, Exploratio: Military & Political Intelligence in the Roman World from the Second Punic War to the Battle of Adrianople. London: Routledge, 2002, page 4
  67. Dexter Hoyos, ed., A Companion to Roman Imperialism. Leiden: Brill, 2013, ISBN 978-90-04-23593-9 , page 315
  68. Austin & Rankov, 30
  69. W. Den Boer, Some Minor Roman Historians, Leiden: Brill, 1972, ISBN 90-04-03545-1 , page 41
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  73. Anthony Birley, introduction to his Eng. trans. of the first half of HA, Lives of the Later Caesars, Penguin, 1982, page 13, footnote 23
  74. Clifford Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000, ISBN 0-520-22067-6 , page 330
  75. Elizabeth Speller, p. 69
  76. Opper, 85
  77. Birley, 209/212
  78. Birley, 211
  79. Fronto: Selected Letters. Edited by Caillan Davenport & Jenifer Manley, London: AC & Black, 2014, ISBN 978-1-78093-442-6 , pages 184/185
  80. Luttvak, Edward N. The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire: From the First Century A.D. to the Third, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1979, ISBN 0-8018-2158-4, page 123
  81. Christol & Nony, 180
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  83. Ando, footnote 172. The expression comes from the anonymous Lybellus de vita et moribus imperatorum
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  86. Direct links to Hadrian's poems in the A.P. with W.R. Paton's translation at the Internet Archive VI 332, VII 674, IX 137, IX 387
  87. T. J. Cornell, ed., The Fragments of the Roman Historians. Oxford University Press: 2013, page 591
  88. Opper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict, 26'
  89. Historia Augusta, Hadrian 2.1.
  90. 1 2 3 Fox, Robin The Classical World: An Epic History from Homer to Hadrian Basic Books. 2006 pg 574
  91. The Historia Augusta however claims that "he wore a full beard to cover up the natural blemishes on his face", H.A. 26.1
  92. Birley, 62
  93. Conway, A. E. (1914). "?". The Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs. 25 (138): 346–349. JSTOR 859783.
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  95. Garzetti, 411
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  98. Digest 48.18.21 . Judith Perkins, Roman Imperial Identities in the Early Christian Era. Abingdon: Routledge, 2009, ISBN 978-0-415-39744-5
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  131. William E. Mierse, Temples and Towns in Roman Iberia: The Social and Architectural Dynamics of Sanctuary Designs from the Third Century B.C. to the Third Century A.D.. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009, ISBN 0-520-20377-1 , page 141
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  137. Royston Lambert, pp. 60–1
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  147. Birley, 127 and 183.
  148. Alessandro Galimberti, "Hadrian, Eleusis, and the beginnings of Christian apologetics" IN Marco Rizzi,ed., Hadrian and the Christians. Berlim: De Gruyter, 2010, ISBN 978-3-11-022470-2 , pages 77/78
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  157. Christol & Nony, 203
  158. Anthony Birley, pp. 182–4
  159. Anthony Birley, pp. 189–190
  160. 1 2 Anthony Birley, pp. 191–200
  161. J. Declareuil, Rome the Law-Giver, London: Routledge, 2013, ISBN 0-415-15613-0, page 72
  162. Clifford Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000, ISBN 978-0-520-22067-6
  163. Royston Lambert, pp. 71–2
  164. Anthony Birley, pp. 213–4
  165. Anthony Birley, pp. 215–20
  166. Boatwright, 150
  167. Anthony Kaldellis, Hellenism in Byzantium: The Transformations of Greek Identity and the Reception of the Classical TraditionCambridge U. Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0-521-87688-9 , page 38
  168. Fernando A. Marín Valdés, Plutarco y el arte de la Atenas hegemónica. Universidad de Oviedo: 2008, ISBN 978-84-8317-659-7 , page 76
  169. A. J. S. Spawforth, Greece and the Augustan Cultural Revolution. Cambridge University Press: 2011, ISBN 978-1-107-01211-0 , page 262
  170. Nathanael J. Andrade, Syrian Identity in the Greco-Roman World. Cambridge University Press, 2013, ISBN 978-1-107-01205-9 , page 176
  171. Boatwright, 81
  172. Birley, 235
  173. Boatwright, 142
  174. Opper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict, 173
  175. Historia Augusta (c. 395) Hadr. 14.5–7
  176. Opper, 170/174
  177. Craig A. Williams , Roman Homosexuality : Ideologies of Masculinity in Classical Antiquity. Oxford University Press: 1999, ISBN 9780195113006, pages 60–61
  178. "Antinous's mysterious death in the Nile led to a Graeco-Egyptian hero-cult to surpass all others in the Greek-speaking world, and busts of the young man are now among the most common from antiquity." (MacGregor, Neil, "There’s more to Hadrian than wall-building", Times of London, 6 July 2008.
    Dyson, Stephen L., Rome: A Living Portrait of an Ancient City, p. 195.
  179. "The public taking of Antinous the Greek as a lover makes more sense as a deliberate political manoeuvre designed to ingratiate himself with the Greek-speakers who still made up 50% of the empire." (Januszczak, Waldemar, "Hadrian – Empire and Conflict at the British Museum", Times of London, 20 July 2008)
    Lambert, op. cit. p. 185.
  180. Elsner, 176/177
  181. Chad Denton, The War on Sex: Western Repression from the Torah to Victoria. McFarland: 2014, ISBN 978-0-7864-9504-7, page 46
  182. Williams, 61
  183. Jás Elsner, Imperial Rome and Christian Triumph, Oxford History of Art, Oxford U.P., 1998, ISBN 0-19-284201-3, pages 183/184.
  184. Cassius Dio, LIX.11; Historia Augusta, Hadrian
  185. Tim Cornell, Dr Kathryn Lomas, eds., Bread and Circuses: Euergetism and Municipal Patronage in Roman Italy. London: Routledge, 2003, ISBN 0-415-14689-5 , page 97
  186. Carl F. Petry, ed. The Cambridge History of Egypt, Volume 1. Cambridge University Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0-521-47137-4 , page 15
  187. Marco Rizzi, 12
  188. see Trevor W. Thompson "Antinoos, The New God: Origen on Miracle and Belief in Third Century Egypt" for the persistence of Antinous' cult and Christian reactions to it. Freely available. The relationship of P. Oxy. 63.4352 with Diocletian's accession is not entirely clear.
  189. Caroline Vout, Power and Eroticism in Imperial Rome. Cambridge University Press; 2007, page 89
  190. Laura Salah Nasrallah, Christian Responses to Roman Art and Architecture: The Second-Century Church Amid the Spaces of Empire. Cambridge University Press, 2010 ISBN 978-0-521-76652-4, page 96
  191. Ronald Syme, "Journeys of Hadrian" (1988), pp. 164–9
  192. Marcel Le Glay. "Hadrien et l'Asklépieion de Pergame". In: Bulletin de correspondance hellénique. Volume 100, livraison 1, 1976. pp. 347–372.Available at . Retrieved July 24, 2015.
  193. Laura Jansen, The Roman Paratext: Frame, Texts, Readers. Cambridge University Press: 2014, ISBN 978-1-107-02436-6 , page 66
  194. Kathleen Kuiper, ed., Ancient Rome: From Romulus and Remus to the Visigoth Invasion.New York: Britannica Educational Publishing, 2010, ISBN 978-1-61530-207-9 , page 133
  195. A. Arthur Schiller, Roman Law: Mechanisms of Development. Walter de Gruyter: 1978, ISBN 90-279-7744-5 , page 471
  196. 1 2 Salmon, 812
  197. R.V. Nind Hopkins, Life of Alexander Severus, CUP Archive, page 110
  198. Adolf Berger, Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law, Volume 43. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1968 , ISBN 0-87169-435-2 ,page 650
  199. Salmon, 813
  200. Nathanael J. Andrade, Syrian Identity in the Greco-Roman World, Cambridge University Press, 2013, ISBN 978-1-107-01205-9 , page 177
  201. Andrew M. Smith II, Roman Palmyra: Identity, Community, and State Formation. Oxford University Press: 2013, ISBN 978-0-19-986110-1 , page 25; Robert K. Sherk, The Roman Empire: Augustus to Hadrian. Cambridge University Press:1988, ISBN 0-521-33887-5, page 190
  202. Hadrien Bru, Le pouvoir impérial dans les provinces syriennes: Représentations et célébrations d'Auguste à Constantin (31 av. J.-C.-337 ap. J.-C.). Leiden: Brill,2011, ISBN 978-90-04-20363-1, pages 104/105
  203. Yeshayahu Gafni, Jerusalem to Jabneh, Units 1–2, Tel-Aviv: Open University of Israel, 1980, ISBN 978-965-06-1190-3 , page 28
  204. Midrash Rabba, Genesis Rabba 64 (end)
  205. Shlomo Simonsohn, The Jews of Italy: Antiquity. Leiden;Brill, 2014, ISBN 978-90-04-28235-3, page 46
  206. Cassius Dio, Roman history 69.12.1
  207. Virgilio Corbo, The Holy Sepulchre of Jerusalem (1981)
  208. Giovanni Battista Bazzana, "The Bar Kokhba Revolt and Hadrian's religious policy", IN Marco Rizzi,ed., Hadrian and the Christians. Berlim: De Gruyter, 2010, ISBN 978-3-11-022470-2 , pages 89/91
  209. Bazzana, 98
  210. Rizzi, Hadrian and the Christians, 4
  211. Emmanuel Friedheim, "Some notes about the Samaritans and the Rabbinic Class at Crossroads" IN Menachem Mor,Friedrich V. Reiterer, eds., Samaritans – Past and Present: Current Studies. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2010, ISBN 978-3-11-019497-5 , page 197
  212. Ken Dowden, Zeus. Abingdon: Routledge, 2006, ISBN 0-415-30502-0 , page 58.
  213. Anna Collar, Religious Networks in the Roman Empire. Cambridge University Press: 2013 , ISBN 978-1-107-04344-2, pages 248/249
  214. Roberta Mazza, "A rosy lotus for Antinoos. Hadrian, Egypt and Roman religions". blog.robertamazza.com. Available at . Retrieved May 23, 2015
  215. Peter Schäfer, Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand. Tübingen 1981, pages 29–50.
  216. Epiphanius, Treatise on Weights and Measures – Syriac Version (ed. James Elmer Dean), University of Chicago Press, c1935, p. 30
  217. Schäfer, Peter (1998). Judeophobia: Attitudes Toward the Jews in the Ancient World. Harvard University Press. pp. 103–105. ISBN 9780674043213. Retrieved 2014-02-01. [...] Hadrian's ban on circumcision, allegedly imposed sometime between 128 and 132 CE [...]. The only proof for Hadrian's ban on circumcision is the short note in the Historia Augusta: 'At this time also the Jews began war, because they were forbidden to mutilate their genitals (quot vetabantur mutilare genitalia). [...] The historical credibility of this remark is controversial [...] The earliest evidence for circumcision in Roman legislation is an edict by Antoninus Pius (138–161 CE), Hadrian's successor [...] [I]t is not utterly impossible that Hadrian [...] indeed considered circumcision as a 'barbarous mutilation' and tried to prohihit it. [...] However, this proposal cannot be more than a conjecture, and, of course, it does not solve the questions of when Hadrian issued the decree (before or during/after the Bar Kokhba war) and whether it was directed solely against Jews or also against other peoples.
  218. Mackay, Christopher. Ancient Rome a Military and Political History: 230
  219. Peter Schäfer, The Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered: New Perspectives on the Second Jewish Revolt Against Rome Mohr Siebeck, 2003 pg 68
  220. Peter Schäfer, The History of the Jews in the Greco-Roman World: The Jews of Palestine from Alexander the Great to the Arab Conquest. Routledge:2003, pg 146
  221. Historia Augusta, Hadrian14.2
  222. Digest, , quoted by Paul Du Plessis, Borkowski's Textbook on Roman Law. Oxford University Press, 2015, ISBN 9780199574889, page 95
  223. Peter Schäfer, Judeophobia, 104.
  224. Elizabeth Wyner Mark, ed., The Covenant of Circumcision: New Perspectives on an Ancient Jewish Rite. Lebanon, NH: UNiversity Press of New England, 2003, ISBN 1-58465-306-X, page 222
  225. Shaye Cohen, From the Maccabees to the Mishnah, Third Edition. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press,2014, ISBN 978-0-664-23904-6, pages 25–26
  226. Peter Schäfer, "Hadrian's policy in Judaea and the Bar Kokhba Revolt: a reassessment". IN Philip R. Davies, Géza Vermès, Richard T. White, eds., A Tribute to Geza Vermes: Essays on Jewish and Christian Literature and History. Sheffield (UK): A&C Black, 1990, ISBN 1-85075-253-2 , page 296
  227. Chronicle of Jerome, s.v. Hadrian. See: See also Yigael Yadin, Bar-Kokhba, Random House New York 1971, pp. 22, 258
  228. Alexander Zephyr, Rabbi Akiva, Bar Kokhba Revolt, and the Ten Tribes of Israel. Bloomington: iUniverse, 2013, ISBN 978-1-4917-1256-6
  229. C. Clermont-Ganneau, Archaeological Researches in Palestine during the Years 1873–74, London 1899, pp. 463–470.
  230. William David Davies,Louis Finkelstein,Steven T. Katz, eds., The Cambridge History of Judaism: Volume 4, The Late Roman-Rabbinic Period. Cambridge University Press: 2006, ISBN 978-0-521-77248-8, page 123
  231. Actually juxtapposed rather than compared: "Avo vestro Hadriano imperium obtinente quantum militum a Judaeis, quantum ab Britannis caesum?" i.e. "While your grandfather Hadrian held the Empire how many soldiers were killed by the Jews, how many by the Britons? , Fronto, Letter to Marcus Aurelius De Bello Parthico
  232. livius.org account. Note: website source states that Legio XXII "was probably destroyed" in the Bar Kokba revolt.(Legio XXII Deiotariana). Peter Schäfer, however, follows the doubtful stand taken by Bowersock, who argues that there are no traces in the written sources of the purported annihilation of Legio XXII, which, due to its magnitude, would have surely been mentioned (Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand, 14).
  233. Cassius Dio 69, 14.3Roman History. Many Romans, moreover, perished in this war. Therefore Hadrian in writing to the Senate did not employ the opening phrase commonly affected by the emperors[...]
  234. Midrash Rabba (Lamentations Rabba 2:5), end
  235. Gittin 57a-58b; Lamentations Rabbah 2.2 §4;
  236. The Cambridge History of Judaism, Volume 4, 728
  237. On the unhistorical character of Bar Kokhba and of most accounts of the war, see Yael Zerubavel, Recovered Roots: Collective Memory and the Making of Israeli National Tradition. University of Chicago Press, 1997 ISBN 0-226-98157-6 , page 141
  238. Ariel Lewin, The Archaeology of Ancient Judea and Palestine. Los Angeles: Getty Publications, 2005, ISBN 978-0-89236-800-6 , page 33
  239. The Aramaic version, "שחיק טמיא", is used, e.g., in Genesis Rabbah 78:1. This is referenced by Rashi in his comment on the phrase, "טמא לנפש", in his commentary on Numbers 5:2. The other two locations in Genesis Rabbah referenced in Rashi's comment, 10:3 and 28:3, use the Hebrew version, "שחיק עצמות"
  240. Reidar Hvalvik, The Struggle for Scripture and Covenant: The Purpose of the Epistle of Barnabas and Jewish-Christian Competition in the Second Century. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1996, pages 302/303
  241. Naomi E. Pasachoff, Robert J. Littman, A Concise History of the Jewish People. Lanham, MA: Rowman & Littlefield, 2005, ISBN 0-7425-4366-8 , page 99
  242. Jerusalem Talmud, Tractate Demai 2:1.
  243. Aryeh Kofsky, Eusebius of Cesarea Against Paganism. Leiden: Brill, 2002, ISBN 0-391-04130-4 , pages 304/305
  244. Daniel R. Schwartz, Zeev Weiss, eds. ,Was 70 CE a Watershed in Jewish History?: On Jews and Judaism before and after the Destruction of the Second Temple. Leiden: Brill, 2011, ISBN 978-90-04-21534-4, page 529, footnote 42
  245. Geza Vermes, Who's Who in the Age of Jesus, Penguin: 2006, no ISBN given, entry "Hadrian"
  246. Midrash Rabba (Lamentations Rabba), section 3
  247. midrash HaGadol to dvarim 26:19
  248. Malbim to Daniel 9:27
  249. Midrash Rabba, Genesis Rabba 64:10.
  250. Merlin Alfred. Passion et politique chez les Césars (review of Jérôme Carcopino, Passion et politique chez les Césars). In: Journal des savants. Jan.-Mar. 1958. pp. 5–18. Available at . Retrieved June 12, 2015.
  251. Allen, 121
  252. Albino Garzetti, From Tiberius to the Antonines : A History of the Roman Empire AD 14–192. London: Routledge, 2014, page 699
  253. Albino Garzetti, n.p.g.
  254. Cizek , "L'éloge de Caius Avidius Nigrinus"
  255. András Mócsy, Pannonia and Upper Moesia (Routledge Revivals): A History of the Middle Danube Provinces of the Roman Empire. London: Routledge, 2014, ISBN 978-0-415-74582-6 , page 102
  256. Anthony Birley, pp. 289–292.
  257. 1 2 The adoptions: Anthony Birley, pp. 294–5; T.D. Barnes, 'Hadrian and Lucius Verus', Journal of Roman Studies (1967), Ronald Syme, Tacitus, p. 601. Antoninus as a legate of Italy: Anthony Birley, p. 199
  258. Des Boscs-Plateaux, 311
  259. Des Boscs-Plateaux, 241 and 577; see also stemma, 477; Frank McLynn,Marcus Aurelius: A Life. New York: Da Capo, 2010, ISBN 978-0-306-81916-2 , page 84
  260. Birley, 309
  261. McLynn, 42
  262. Allen, 122
  263. John Boswell, Christianity, Social Tolerance, and Homosexuality: Gay People in Western Europe from the Beginning of the Christian Era to the Fourteenth Century. University of Chicago Press: 2009, ISBN 0-226-06711-4 , page 85
  264. Anthony Birley, pp. 291–2
  265. Dio 69.17.2
  266. Anthony Birley, p. 297
  267. 1 2 Salmon, 816
  268. Dio 70.1.1
  269. Samuel Ball Platner, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome. Cambridge University Press: 2015, ISBN 978-1-108-08324-9 , page 250
  270. Christian Bechtold, Gott und Gestirn als Präsenzformen des toten Kaisers: Apotheose und Katasterismos in der politischen Kommunikation der römischen Kaiserzeit und ihre Anknüpfungspunkte im Hellenismus.V&R unipress GmbH: 2011, ISBN 978-3-89971-685-6, page 259
  271. Historia Augusta, Hadrian Dio 25.9; Antony Birley, p. 301
  272. see e.g.Forty-three translations of Hadrian's "Animula, vagula, blandula ..." including translations by Henry Vaughan, A.Pope, Lord Byron.
  273. A.A.Barb, "Animula, Vagula, Blandula", Folklore, 61, 1950 : "... since Casaubon almost three and a half centuries of classical scholars have admired this poem"
  274. see Note 2 in Emanuela Andreoni Fontecedro's "Animula vagula blandula: Adriano debitore di Plutarco", Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura Classica, 1997
  275. "tales autem nec multo meliores fecit et Graecos", Historia Augusta, ibidem
  276. Russell E. Murphy, Critical Companion to T. S. Eliot: A Literary Reference to His Life and Work, 2007. p.48


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Born: 24 January AD 76 Died: 10 July AD 138
Regnal titles
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Antoninus Pius
Political offices
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Quintus Aquilius Niger and Marcus Rebilus Apronianus
Consul of the Roman Empire
With: Gnaeus Pedanius Fuscus Salinator
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and Publius Dasumius Rusticus
Preceded by
and Gnaeus Pedanius Fuscus Salinator
Consul of the Roman Empire
With: Publius Dasumius Rusticus
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Lucius Catilius Severus Iulianus Claudius Reginus II
and Antoninus Pius
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