1991 Soviet coup d'état attempt

1991 Soviet coup d'etat attempt
August Coup/August Putsch
Russian: Августовский путч
Part of the Revolutions of 1989, Cold War, and Dissolution of the Soviet Union

Tanks in Red Square in the armed confrontation between the Soviet Union and the Russian SFSR
Date19–21 August 1991
LocationMoscow, Russian SFSR, Soviet Union
Result
Belligerents

 Soviet Union

Soviet Union State Committee
Soviet Army

KGB

Supporting republics:[1]
Azerbaijan
Pridnestrovian SSR[2]
Byelorussia
Tajikistan
Turkmenistan
Ukraine

LDPSS[3]
RNU International support:[4][5][6]

PFLP
DFLP
 Sudan
 Iraq
Libya Libya
 Yugoslavia
 North Korea
 People's Republic of China

Russian SFSR

Government of the RSFSR

Opposition republics:[1]
Armenia
Estonia
Georgia
 Kazakhstan
 Kirghizia
Latvia
Lithuania
Moldova
 Uzbekistan

UNA-UNSO

International support:[4][6][7]
 United States
 Canada
 United Kingdom
 Germany
 NATO
European Union European Community
Commanders and leaders
Soviet Union Gennady Yanayev
Soviet Union Dmitry Yazov
Soviet Union Vladimir Kryuchkov
Soviet Union Valentin Pavlov
Soviet Union Boris Pugo
Soviet Union Oleg Baklanov
Soviet Union Vasily Starodubtsev
Soviet Union Alexander Tizyakov
Ayaz Mutallibov
Qahhor Mahkamov
Saparmurat Niyazov		 Soviet Union Mikhail Gorbacheva
Boris Yeltsin
Ivan Silayev
Konstantin Kobets
Edgar Savisaar
Ivars Godmanis
Gediminas Vagnorius
Nursultan Nazarbayev
Askar Akayev
Islam Karimov
^a Placed under house arrest at Foros.

The 1991 Soviet coup d'état attempt, also known as the August Putsch or August Coup (Russian: Августовский путч, tr. Avgustovsky Putch), was an attempt by members of the Soviet Union's government to take control of the country from Soviet president Mikhail Gorbachev. The coup leaders were hard-line members of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) who were opposed to Gorbachev's reform program and the new union treaty that he had negotiated which decentralised much of the central government's power to the republics. They were opposed, mainly in Moscow, by a short but effective campaign of civil resistance.[8] Although the coup collapsed in only two days and Gorbachev returned to government, the event destabilised the Soviet Union and is widely considered to have contributed to both the demise of the CPSU and the dissolution of the Soviet Union.

After the capitulation of the State Committee on the State of Emergency (GKChP), popularly referred to as the "Gang of Eight", both the Supreme Court of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR) and the President of the USSR Mikhail Gorbachev described their actions as a coup attempt.

Background

Since assuming power in 1985, Gorbachev had embarked on an ambitious program of reform, embodied in the twin concepts of perestroika and glasnost, meaning economic/political restructuring and openness, respectively.[9] These moves prompted resistance and suspicion on the part of hardline members of the nomenklatura. The reforms also unleashed some forces and movements that Gorbachev did not expect. Specifically, nationalist agitation on the part of the Soviet Union's non-Russian minorities grew, and there were fears that some or all of the union republics might secede. In 1991, the Soviet Union was in a severe economic and political crisis. There were shortages of almost all products, and people had to stand in long lines to buy even essential goods.

Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Georgia had already declared their independence from the Soviet Union. In January 1991, there was an attempt to return Lithuania to the Soviet Union by force. About a week later, there was a similar attempt by local pro-Soviet forces to overthrow the Latvian authorities. There were continuing armed ethnic conflicts in Nagorno Karabakh and South Ossetia.

Russia declared its sovereignty on 12 June 1990 and thereafter limited the application of Soviet laws, in particular the laws concerning finance and the economy, on Russian territory. The Supreme Soviet of the Russian SFSR adopted laws which contradicted Soviet laws (the so-called War of Laws).

In the unionwide referendum on 17 March 1991, boycotted by the Baltic states, Armenia, Georgia, and Moldova, the majority of the residents of the rest of the republics expressed the desire to retain the renewed Soviet Union. Following negotiations, eight of the nine republics (except Ukraine) approved the New Union Treaty with some conditions. The treaty would make the Soviet Union a federation of independent republics with a common president, foreign policy, and military. Russia, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan were to sign the Treaty in Moscow on 20 August 1991.

Preparation

On 11 December 1990, KGB Chairman Vladimir Kryuchkov, made a "call for order" over Central television in Moscow.[10] That day, he asked two KGB officers[11] to prepare a plan of measures that could be taken in case a state of emergency was declared in the USSR. Later, Kryuchkov brought Soviet Defense Minister Dmitry Yazov, Internal Affairs Minister Boris Pugo, Premier Valentin Pavlov, Vice-President Gennady Yanayev, Soviet Defense Council deputy chief Oleg Baklanov, Gorbachev secretariat head Valeriy Boldin, and CPSU Central Committee Secretary Oleg Shenin into the conspiracy.[12][13]

The members of the GKChP hoped that Gorbachev could be persuaded to declare the state of emergency and to "restore order".

On 23 July 1991, a number of party functionaries and literati published in the hardline newspaper Sovetskaya Rossiya as a prime factor to an anti-Perestroika manifesto entitled A Word to the People.

Six days later, Gorbachev, Russian President Boris Yeltsin and Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev discussed the possibility of replacing such hardliners as Pavlov, Yazov, Kryuchkov and Pugo with more liberal figures. Kryuchkov, who had placed Gorbachev under close surveillance as Subject 110 several months earlier, eventually got wind of the conversation.[14][15][16]

On 4 August, Gorbachev went on holiday to his dacha in Foros, Crimea. He planned to return to Moscow in time for the New Union Treaty signing on 20 August.

On 17 August, the members of the GKChP met at a KGB guesthouse in Moscow and studied the treaty document. They believed the pact would pave the way to the Soviet Union's breakup, and decided that it was time to act. The next day, Baklanov, Boldin, Shenin, and USSR Deputy Defense Minister General Valentin Varennikov flew to Crimea for a meeting with Gorbachev. They demanded that Gorbachev either declare a state of emergency or resign and name Yanayev as acting president to allow the members of the GKChP "to restore order" in the country.[13][17][18]

Gorbachev has always claimed that he refused point blank to accept the ultimatum.[17][19] Varennikov has insisted that Gorbachev said: "Damn you. Do what you want. But report my opinion!"[20] However, those present at the dacha at the time testified that Baklanov, Boldin, Shenin, and Varennikov had been clearly disappointed and nervous after the meeting with Gorbachev.[17] With Gorbachev's refusal, the conspirators ordered that he remain confined to the Foros dacha; at the same time the dacha's communication lines (which were controlled by the KGB) were shut down. Additional KGB security guards were placed at the dacha gates with orders to stop anybody from leaving.

The members of the GKChP ordered 250,000 pairs of handcuffs from a factory in Pskov to be sent to Moscow[21] and 300,000 arrest forms. Kryuchkov doubled the pay of all KGB personnel, called them back from holiday, and placed them on alert. The Lefortovo Prison was emptied to receive prisoners.[15]

The August Coup

The members of the GKChP met in the Kremlin after Baklanov, Boldin, Shenin and Varennikov returned from the Crimea. Yanayev, Pavlov and Baklanov signed the so-called "Declaration of the Soviet Leadership" in which they declared the state of emergency in all of the USSR and announced that the State Committee of the State of Emergency (Государственный Комитет по Чрезвычайному Положению, ГКЧП, or Gosudarstvenniy Komitet po Chrezvichaynomu Polozheniyu, GKChP) had been created "to manage the country and to effectively maintain the regime of the state of emergency". The GKChP included the following members:

Yanayev signed the decree naming himself as acting USSR president on the pretext of Gorbachev's inability to perform presidential duties due to "illness".[22] These eight collectively became known as the "Gang of Eight".

The GKChP banned all newspapers in Moscow, except for nine Party-controlled newspapers.[22] The GKChP also issued a populist declaration which stated that "the honour and dignity of a Soviet man must be restored."[22]

19 August

Yeltsin stands on a tank to defy the August Coup in 1991.

All of the State Committee on the State of Emergency (GKChP) documents were broadcast over the state radio and television starting from 7 a.m. The Russian SFSR-controlled Radio Rossii and Televidenie Rossii, plus "Ekho Moskvy", the only independent political radio station, were cut off the air.[23] Armour units of the Tamanskaya Division and the Kantemirovskaya tank division rolled into Moscow along with paratroops. Four Russian SFSR people's deputies (who were considered the most "dangerous") were detained by the KGB at an army base near Moscow.[12] The conspirators considered detaining Russian SFSR President Boris Yeltsin upon his arrival from a visit to Kazakhstan on 17 August, or after that when he was at his dacha near Moscow, but for some reason they did not do so. The failure to arrest Yeltsin was to prove fatal to their plans.[12][24][25]

Yeltsin arrived at the White House, Russia's parliament building, at 9am on 19 August. Together with Russian SFSR Prime Minister Ivan Silayev and Supreme Soviet Chairman Ruslan Khasbulatov, Yeltsin issued a declaration in which it was stated that a reactionary anti-constitutional coup had taken place. The military was urged not to take part in the coup. The declaration called for a general strike with the demand to let Mikhail Gorbachev address the people.[26] This declaration was distributed around Moscow in the form of flyers.

In the afternoon the citizens of Moscow began to gather around the White House and to erect barricades around it.[26] In response Gennady Yanayev declared the state of emergency in Moscow at 16:00.[18][22] Yanayev declared at the press conference at 17:00 that Gorbachev was "resting". He said: "Over these years he has got very tired and needs some time to get his health back."[18]

Meanwhile, Major Evdokimov, chief of staff of a tank battalion of the Tamanskaya Division guarding the White House, declared his loyalty to the leadership of the Russian SFSR.[26][27] Yeltsin climbed one of the tanks and addressed the crowd. Unexpectedly, this episode was included in the state media's evening news.[28]

20 August

Tanks at the Red Square

At noon, Moscow military district commander General Kalinin, whom Yanayev appointed as military commandant of Moscow, declared a curfew in Moscow from 23:00 to 5:00, effective from 20 August.[13][23][26] This was understood as the sign that the attack on the White House was imminent.

The defenders of the White House prepared themselves, most of them being unarmed. Evdokimov's tanks were moved from the White House in the evening.[18][29] The makeshift White House defense headquarters was headed by General Konstantin Kobets, a Russian SFSR people's deputy.[29][30]

In the afternoon, Kryuchkov, Yazov and Pugo finally decided to attack the White House. This decision was supported by other GKChP members. Kryuchkov and Yazov's deputies, KGB general Ageyev and Army general Achalov, respectively, planned the assault, codenamed "Operation Grom" (Thunder), which would gather elements of the Alpha and Vympel elite special force units, with the support of the paratroopers, Moscow OMON, the Internal Troops of the Dzerzhinsky division, three tank companies and a helicopter squadron. Alpha Group commander General Viktor Karpukhin and other senior officers of the unit together with Airborne Troops deputy commander Gen. Alexander Lebed mingled with the crowds near the White House and assessed the possibility of such an operation. After that, Karpukhin and Vympel commander Colonel Beskov tried to convince Ageyev that the operation would result in bloodshed and should be canceled.[12][13][14][31] Lebed, with the consent of his immediate superior, Pavel Grachev, returned to the White House and secretly informed the defense headquarters that the attack would begin at 2:00.[14][31]

Estonia's Supreme Council declared Republic of Estonia sovereign and independent at 23.03.

21 August

At about 1:00, not far from the White House, trolleybuses and street cleaning machines barricaded a tunnel against oncoming Taman Guards infantry fighting vehicles (IFVs). Three men were killed in the incident with several others wounded. Two of the victims were trying to cover an IFV's observation slit. The crowd later burned the IFV, but no soldiers were killed.[18][30][32] Alpha Group and Vympel did not move to the White House as had been planned and Yazov ordered the troops to pull out from Moscow.

The troops began to move from Moscow at 8:00. The GKChP members met in the Defence Ministry and, not knowing what to do, decided to send Kryuchkov, Yazov, Baklanov, Tizyakov, Anatoly Lukyanov, and Deputy CPSU General Secretary Vladimir Ivashko to the Crimea to meet Gorbachev, who refused to meet them when they arrived. With the dacha's communications to Moscow restored, Gorbachev declared all the GKChP's decisions void and dismissed its members from their state offices. The USSR General Prosecutors Office started the investigation of the coup.[14][26]

During that period, the Supreme Council Republic of Latvia declared its sovereignty officially completed.[33]

Timeline of the Coup

Monday 19 August

Tuesday 20 August

Wednesday 21 August

Aftermath

Gorbachev and the GKChP delegation flew to Moscow, where Kryuchkov, Yazov, and Tizyakov were arrested upon arrival in the early hours of 22 August. Pugo committed suicide along with his wife the next day. Pavlov, Vasily Starodubtsev, Baklanov, Boldin, and Shenin would be in custody within the next 48 hours.[14]

Since several heads of the regional executive committees supported the GKChP, on 21 August the Supreme Soviet of the Russian SFSR adopted Decision No. 1626-1, which authorized Russian President Boris Yeltsin to appoint heads of regional administrations, although the Russian constitution did not empower the president with such authority.[35] It passed another decision the next day which declared the old imperial colors as Russia's national flag.[35] It eventually replaced the Russian SFSR flag two months later.

On the night of 24 August, the Felix Dzerzhinsky statue in front of the KGB building at Dzerzhinskiy Square (Lubianka) was dismantled, while thousands of Moscow citizens took part in the funeral of Dmitry Komar, Vladimir Usov and Ilya Krichevsky, the three citizens who died in the tunnel incident. Gorbachev posthumously awarded them with the title of Hero of the Soviet Union. Yeltsin asked their relatives to forgive him for not being able to prevent their deaths.[14]

End of the CPSU

Gorbachev resigned as CPSU general secretary on 24 August.[14] Vladimir Ivashko replaced him as acting general secretary but resigned on 29 August when the Supreme Soviet terminated all Party activities in the Soviet territory. Around the same time, Yeltsin decreed the transfer of the CPSU archives to the state archive authorities, as well as nationalizing all CPSU assets in the Russian SFSR (which included not only the headquarters of party committees but also educational institutions, hotels, etc.).[35] Yeltsin decreed the termination and banning of all Party activities in Russian soil as well as the closure of the Central Committee building in Staraya Square.[35]

Dissolution of the Soviet Union

On 24 August, Mikhail Gorbachev created the so-called "Committee for the Operational Management of the Soviet Economy" (Комитет по оперативному управлению народным хозяйством СССР), to replace the USSR Cabinet of Ministers headed by Valentin Pavlov, a GKChP member. Russian prime minister Ivan Silayev headed this committee. On the same day the Verkhovna Rada adopted the Declaration of Independence of Ukraine and called for a referendum on support of the Declaration of Independence. The Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, the third powerful republic in the union, also declared its independence the next day on 25 August which then established the Republic of Belarus.[36]

On 5 September, the Congress of People's Deputies of the Soviet Union adopted Soviet Law No. 2392-1 "On the Authorities of the Soviet Union in the Transitional Period" under which the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union had replaced Congress of People's Deputies and was reformed. Two new legislative chambers—the Soviet of the Union (Совет Союза) and the Soviet of Republics (Совет Республик)—replaced the Soviet of the Union and the Soviet of Nationalities (both elected by the USSR Congress of Peoples Deputies). The Soviet of the Union was to be formed by the popularly elected USSR people's deputies. The Soviet of Republics was to include 20 deputies from each union republic plus one deputy to represent each autonomous region of each union republic (both USSR people's deputies and republican people's deputies) delegated by the legislatures of the union republic. Russia was an exception with 52 deputies. However, the delegation of each union republic was to have only one vote in the Soviet of Republics. The laws were to be first adopted by the Soviet of the Union and then by the Soviet of Republics.

Also created was the USSR State Council (Государственный совет СССР), which included the USSR President and the presidents of union republics. The "Committee for the Operational Management of the Soviet Economy" was replaced by the USSR Inter-republican Economic Committee (Межреспубликанский экономический комитет СССР), also headed by Ivan Silayev.[37]

On 27 August, the first state became independent, Supreme Soviet of Moldova declared the independence of Moldova from the Soviet Union. The Supreme Soviets of Azerbaijan and Kyrgyzstan did the same on 30 and 31 August respectively. Afterwards, on 6 September the newly created Soviet State Council recognized the independence of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania.[38] Estonia had declared re-independence on 20 August, Latvia on the following day, while Lithuania had done so already on 11 March 1990. Three days later, on 9 September the Supreme Soviet of Tajikistan declared the independence of Tajikistan from the Soviet Union. Further more, in September over 99% percent of voters in Armenia voted for a referendum approving the Republic's commitment to independence. The immediate aftermath of that vote was the Armenian Supreme Soviet's declaration of independence, issued on 21 September. By 27 October the Supreme Soviet of Turkmenistan declared the independence of Turkmenistan from the Soviet Union. On 1 December Ukraine held a referendum, in which more than 90% of residents supported the Act of Independence of Ukraine.

By November, the only Soviet Republics that had not declared independence were Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. That same month, seven republics (Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan) agreed to a new union treaty that would form a confederation called the Union of Sovereign States. However, this confederation never materialized.

On 8 December Boris Yeltsin, Leonid Kravchuk and Stanislav Shushkevich—respectively leaders of Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus (which adopted that name in August 1991)—as well as the prime ministers of the republics met in Minsk, the capital of Belarus, where they created the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and annulled the 1922 union treaty that had established the Soviet Union. Doubts remained about legitimacy of the signing that took place on 8 December, so another signing ceremony was held in Alma-Ata on 21 December to expand the CIS to include Armenia, Azerbaijan and the five republics of Central Asia. Georgia joined in 1993, only to withdraw in 2008 after conflict between Georgia and Russia; the three Baltic states never joined.

On 24 December 1991, the Russian Federation, with the concurrence of the other republics of the Commonwealth of Independent States, informed the United Nations that it would succeed the Soviet Union in its membership in the UN and in its seat on the United Nations Security Council. No member state of the UN formally objected to this step. The legitimacy of this act has been questioned by some legal scholars as the Soviet Union itself was not constitutionally succeeded by the Russian Federation, but merely dissolved. Others argued that the international community had already established the precedent of recognizing the Soviet Union as the legal successor of the Russian Empire, and so recognizing the Russian Federation as the Soviet Union's successor state was valid. After Russia's succession, on 25 December 1991, Gorbachev announced his resignation as Soviet president. The red hammer and sickle flag of the Soviet Union was lowered from the Senate building in the Kremlin and replaced with the tricolor flag of Russia. The largest republic, the Russian SFSR was renamed to the Russian Federation. The next day, 26 December 1991, the Soviet Union officially ceased to exist, thus ending the life of the world's first and oldest socialist state. All former Soviet embassies became Russian embassies while Russia received the nuclear weapons from the other former republics. A constitutional crisis occurred in 1993 had been escalated into violence and the new constitution adopted officially abolished the entire Soviet government.

Beginning of radical economic reforms in Russia

On 1 November 1991, the RSFSR Congress of People's Deputies issued Decision No. 1831-1 On the Legal Support of the Economic Reform whereby the Russian president (Boris Yeltsin) was granted the right to issue decrees required for the economic reform even if they contravened the laws. Such decrees entered into force if they were not repealed within 7 days by the Supreme Soviet of the Russian SFSR or its Presidium.[35] Five days later, Boris Yeltsin, in addition to the duties of the President, assumed the duties of the prime minister. Yegor Gaidar became deputy prime minister and simultaneously economic and finance minister. On 15 November 1991 Boris Yeltsin issued Decree No. 213 On the Liberalization of Foreign Economic Activity on the Territory of the RSFSR whereby all Russian companies were allowed to import and to export goods and to acquire foreign currency (previously all foreign trade had been tightly controlled by the state).[35] Following the issuing of Decree No. 213, on 3 December 1991 Boris Yeltsin issued Decree No. 297 On the Measures to Liberalize Prices whereby from 2 January 1992 most previously existing price controls were abolished.[35]

Trial of the members of the GKChP

The GKChP members and their accomplices were charged with treason in the form of a conspiracy aimed at capturing power. However, by the end of 1992 they were all released from custody pending trial. The trial in the Military Chamber of the Russian Supreme Court began on 14 April 1993.[39] On 23 February 1994 the State Duma declared amnesty for all GKChP members and their accomplices, along with the participants of the October 1993 crisis.[35] They all accepted the amnesty, except for General Varennikov, who demanded the continuation of the trial and was finally acquitted on 11 August 1994.[14]

Parliamentary commission

In 1991 the Parliamentary Commission for Investigating Causes and Reasons of the coup attempt was established under Lev Ponomaryov, but in 1992 it was dissolved at Ruslan Khasbulatov's insistence.

International reactions

 United States

George H.W. Bush, left, is seen with Mikhail Gorbachev in 1990. Bush condemned the coup and the Gang of Eight's actions.

During his vacation in Kennebunkport, Maine, the President of the United States, George H.W. Bush made a blunt demand for Gorbachev's restoration to power and said the United States did not accept the legitimacy of the self-proclaimed new Soviet Government. He returned to the White House after rushing from his vacation home here, Bush issued a strongly worded statement that followed a day of consultations with other leaders of the Western alliance and a concerted effort to squeeze the new Soviet leadership by freezing economic aid programs. He decried the coup as a "misguided and illegitimate effort" that "bypasses both Soviet law and the will of the Soviet peoples." President Bush called the overthrow "very disturbing," and he put a hold on U.S. aid to the Soviet Union until the situation is clarified.[6][40]

The Bush statement, drafted after an series of meetings with top aides at the White House, was much more forceful than the President's initial reaction this morning in Maine. It was in keeping with a unified Western effort to apply both diplomatic and economic pressure to the group of Soviet officials seeking to regain control of the Kremlin and the country.

Former President Ronald Reagan has said: "I can't believe that the Soviet people will allow a reversal in the progress that they have recently made toward economic and political freedom. Based on my extensive meetings and conversations with him, I am convinced that President Gorbachev had the best interest of the Soviet people in mind. I have always felt that his opposition came from the communist bureaucracy, and I can only hope that enough progress was made that a movement toward democracy will be unstoppable."[6]

 Canada

Several reactions to coup quickly happened such as the Prime Minister of Canada, Brian Mulroney had huddled with his top advisers discussed the toppling of Mikhail Gorbachev, but his officials said the Prime Minister will likely react cautiously to the stunning development. With the House of Commons in recess at the time and his cabinet in various parts of the country, Mulroney was relying on his chief of staff, Norman Spector, the head of the Privy Council, Paul Tellier, senior adviser Hugh Segal and senior defence and external affairs officials. Mulroney condemned the coup and suspended food aid and other assurances with the Soviet Union.[41][42]

Gorbachev, however, made one of his first visits outside the Soviet Union in 1983 when he visited Toronto back when he was the agriculture minister. After coming to power in 1985, Mulroney and Gorbachev traded bilateral meetings.[43]

External Affairs Minister Barbara McDougall suggested on August 20, 1991 that "Canada could work with any Soviet junta that promises to carry on Gorbachev's legacy, Lloyd Axworthy and Liberal Leader Jean Chretien said Canada must join with other Western governments to back Russian President Boris Yeltsin, former Soviet foreign minister and Georgian president Eduard Shevardnadze and others fighting for Soviet democracy." McDougall met with the chargé d'affaires of the Soviet embassy, Vasily Sredin.[44]

Several papers, such as Montreal La Presse, also condemned the coup and it reads "The rhetoric employed by the new leaders of the Soviet Union on the day after their seizing of power is so crude, one does not know any longer whether to laugh or cry. It is in other respects very unlikly that anyone inside or outside the Soviet Union swallows this convoluted pack of aberrations. But the rhetoric will nevertheless serve one useful purpose: that of announcing at the outset the new regime's true colors. And of demonstrating that six years of glasnost has not been able to shake this old Soviet tradition: the art of plying the anti-truth with the most shameless cynicism."[45]

 United Kingdom

The British Prime Minister John Major had expressed feelings in a 1991 interview about the coup and said "I think there are many reasons why it failed and a great deal of time and trouble will be spent on analysing that later. There were, I think, a number of things that were significant. I don’t think it was terribly well-handled from the point of view of those organising the coup. I think the enormous and unanimous condemnation of the rest of the world publicly of the coup was of immense encouragement to the people resisting it. That is not just my view; that is the view that has been expressed to me by Mr. Shevardnadze, Mr. Yakovlev, President Yeltsin and many others as well to whom I have spoken to the last 48 hours. The moral pressure from the West and the fact that we were prepared to state unequivocally that the coup was illegal and that we wanted the legal government restored, was of immense help in the Soviet Union. I think that did play a part."[46]

Major met with his cabinet that same day on 19 August to deal with the crisis. He added, "There seems little doubt that President Gorbachev has been removed from power by an unconstitutional seizure of power. There are constitutional ways of removing the president of the Soviet Union; they have not been used. believe that the whole world has a very serious stake in the events currently taking place in the Soviet Union. The reform process there is of vital importance to the world and of most vital importance of course to the Soviet people themselves and I hope that is fully clear. There is a great deal of information we don't yet have, but I would like to make clear above all that we would expect the Soviet Union to respect and honor all the commitments that President Gorbachev has made on its behalf, he said, echoing sentiments from a litany of other Western leaders."[6]

However, the British Government had frozen $80 million in economic aid to Moscow, and the European Community scheduled an emergency meeting in which it was expected to suspend a $1.5 billion aid program.[40]

Other sovereign states

Supranational bodies and organizations

Further fate of GKChP members

See also

Notes and references

  1. 1 2 Ольга Васильева, «Республики во время путча» в сб.статей: «Путч. Хроника тревожных дней». // Издательство «Прогресс», 1991. (in Russian). Accessed 14 June 2009. Archived 17 June 2009.
  2. ↑ Solving Transnistria: Any Optimists Left? by Cristian Urse. p. 58. Available at http://se2.isn.ch/serviceengine/Files/RESSpecNet/57339/ichaptersection_singledocument/7EE8018C-AD17-44B6-8BC2-8171256A7790/en/Chapter_4.pdf
  3. ↑ a party led by the nationalist politician Vladimir Zhirinovsky – http://www.lenta.ru/lib/14159799/full.htm. Accessed 13 September 2009. Archived 16 September 2009-.
  4. 1 2 Артем Кречетников. «Хроника путча: часть II» // BBC
  5. ↑ Р. Г. Апресян. Народное сопротивление августовскому путчу (recuperato il 27 novembre 2010 tramite Internet Archive)
  6. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 http://www.upi.com/Archives/1991/08/19/World-reacts-with-shock-to-Gorbachev-ouster/5234533009911/
  7. 1 2 3 R.C. Gupta. (1997) Collapse of the Soviet Union. p. 57. ISBN 9788185842813,
  8. ↑ Mark Kramer, "The Dialectics of Empire: Soviet Leaders and the Challenge of Civil Resistance in East-Central Europe, 1968–91", in Adam Roberts and Timothy Garton Ash (eds.), Civil Resistance and Power Politics: The Experience of Non-violent Action from Gandhi to the Present, Oxford University Press, 2009 pp. 108–09.
  9. ↑ "Gorbachev and Perestroika. Professor Gerhard Rempel, Department of History, Western New England College, 1996-02-02, accessed 2008-07-12". Mars.wnec.edu. Archived from the original on 28 August 2008. Retrieved 31 March 2010.
  10. ↑ Yevgenia Albats and Catherine A. Fitzpatrick. The State Within a State: The KGB and Its Hold on Russia – Past, Present, and Future. 1994. ISBN 0-374-52738-5, pages 276-293.
  11. ↑ KGB Maj. Gen. Vyacheslav Zhizhin and KGB Col. Alexei Yegorov, The State Within a State, p. 276–277.
  12. 1 2 3 4 (Russian) September 1991 internal KGB report on the involvement of KGB in the coup
  13. 1 2 3 4 (Russian) "Novaya Gazeta" No. 51 of 23 July 2001 (extracts from the indictment of the conspirators)
  14. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 (Russian) Timeline of the events, by Artem Krechnikov, Moscow BBC correspondent
  15. 1 2 Christopher Andrew and Vasili Mitrokhin (2000). The Mitrokhin Archive: The KGB in Europe and the West. Gardners Books. ISBN 0-14-028487-7, pages 513–514.
  16. ↑ The KGB surveillance logbook included every move of Gorbachev and his wife Raisa Gorbacheva, Subject 111, such as "18:30. 111 is in the bathtub."The State Within a State, page 276–277
  17. 1 2 3 (Russian) Novaya Gazeta No. 59 of 20 August 2001 (extracts from the indictment of the conspirators)
  18. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Kommersant, 18 August 2006 (Russian)
  19. ↑ Gorbachev's interview to the Russian Service of BBC of 16 August 2001 (Russian)
  20. ↑ В.Варенников. "Неповторимое", Книга 7
  21. ↑ Revolutionary Passage by Marc Garcelon p. 159
  22. 1 2 3 4 5 (Russian) GKChP documents
  23. 1 2 (Russian) another "Kommersant" article, 18 August 2006
  24. ↑ (Russian) "Novaya Gazeta" No. 55 of 6 August 2001 (extracts from the indictment of the conspirators)
  25. ↑ (Russian) "Novaya Gazeta" No. 57 of 13 August 2001 (extracts from the indictment of the conspirators)
  26. 1 2 3 4 5 A Russian book on August 1991 events
  27. ↑ "Izvestia", 18 August 2006 (Russian)
  28. ↑ "Moskovskie Novosty", 2001, No.33 (Russian)
  29. 1 2 (Russian) "Nezavisimoe Voiennoye Obozrenie", 18 August 2006
  30. 1 2 Russian site on Heroes of the Soviet Union
  31. 1 2 "Argumenty i Facty", 15 August 2001
  32. ↑ A Russian site on Ilya Krichevsky . Accessed 15 August 2009. Archived 17 August 2009.
  33. ↑ Supreme Soviet of the Latvian SSR (21 August 1991). "Constitutional law On statehood of the Republic of Latvia" (in Latvian). Latvijas Vēstnesis. Retrieved 7 January 2008.
  34. 1 2 3 Hybinette-Bergknut, Leena . ' Vuosi 91: Kaappaajat pelkäsivät liittosopimusta. 1991. pages 186–187. Bertmark Kustannus Oy. Helsinki (Finnish)
  35. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Konsultant+ (Russian legal database)
  36. ↑ Fedor, Helen (1995). "Belarus – Prelude to Independence". Belarus: A Country Study. Library of Congress. Retrieved 22 December 2007.
  37. ↑ Russian legal database
  38. ↑ Site of RIA-Novosti (Russian news agency)
  39. ↑ "Vzgliad", 18 August 2006 (Russian)
  40. 1 2 http://www.nytimes.com/1991/08/20/world/the-soviet-crisis-bush-condemns-soviet-coup-and-calls-for-its-reversal.html?pagewanted=all
  41. ↑ http://www.nytimes.com/1991/08/25/world/canadian-is-attacked-for-remarks-on-soviet-coup.html
  42. ↑ http://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/thestar/doc/436456748.html?FMT=ABS&FMTS=ABS:FT&type=current&date=Aug+20%2C+1991&author=Tim+Harper+Toronto+Star&pub=Toronto+Star&edition=&startpage=A.17&desc=Ottawa+suspends+its+food+aid
  43. ↑ Mulroney huddles with aides after phone call from Bush - Toronto Star Aug 19, 1991. Retrieved on Nov 10, 2016.
  44. ↑ http://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/thestar/doc/436458189.html?FMT=ABS&FMTS=ABS:FT&type=current&date=Aug+21%2C+1991&author=Tim+Harper+Toronto+Star&pub=Toronto+Star&edition=&startpage=A.4&desc=McDougall+hints+Ottawa+may+recognize+Moscow+junta
  45. ↑ http://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/thestar/doc/436457581.html?FMT=ABS&FMTS=ABS:FT&type=current&date=Aug+21%2C+1991&author=&pub=Toronto+Star&edition=&startpage=A.19&desc=Canadian+papers+condemn+coup%2C+urge+caution
  46. ↑ http://www.johnmajor.co.uk/page2106.html
  47. ↑ https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1991/08/23/chinese-dissidents-hail-moscow-events/6fea0a33-ccc8-4e93-b6d5-665faa846e64/
  48. ↑ http://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/thestar/doc/436460688.html?FMT=ABS&FMTS=ABS:FT&type=current&date=Aug+20%2C+1991&author=&pub=Toronto+Star&edition=&startpage=A.17&desc=Keep+up+reform%2C+Kohl+urges+Soviets
  49. ↑ http://articles.chicagotribune.com/1991-08-21/news/9103020365_1_foreign-ministers-kremlin-coup-coup-leaders
  50. ↑ The Telegraph, March 2015
  51. ↑ "LA Times",March 2015
  52. ↑ Simon Saradzhyan "The Moscow Times",March 2015
  53. ↑ "Find A Grave", March 2015
  54. ↑ Rupert Cornwell "Vasily Starodubtsev: Politician who tried to topple Gorbachev in 1991", March 2015
  55. ↑ Vladimir Socor "The Jamestown Foundation", March 2015

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